The jurist Carl Schmitt’s views on the total state and race need further clarification as long as the English language edition of his Concept of the Political presents an apologist commentary. The questions are to which degree Schmitt’s works written during the Weimar Republic are tainted with totalitarian and racist ideas and whether Schmitt gave up fundamental principles during Nationalist Socialism. This thesis examines writings by Schmitt between 1913 and 1940 to reconstruct a coherent anti-individualistic legal viewpoint and its arguments. The first part finds that Schmitt undermines the individual rights of the Weimar Constitution. The second part discusses Schmitt’s role as a theorist of totalitarianism. The third part considers Schmitt’s anti-Semitism as underlying motivation for his political theory and analyzes his racism in light of his anti-individualism. Schmitt frequently argues by invoking necessity of history and by justifying some political action as necessary. These arguments should be rejected.

Thesis (MA) -- University of Stellenbosch, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This review explores the availability of programs aimed at reducing racism in South Africa. A summary of legislation and policy directives is included to provide clarity and inject impetus into the need for such programs. There were difficulties in receiving information and reviewing such programs and therefore a conceptualisation of racism is provided along with an examination of current manifestations thereof. To assist in the future design of racism reduction programs a detailed exposition of principles shown to be crucial to racism reduction is also provided. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie literatuur oorsig ondersoek die beskikbaarheid van programme wat daarop gemik is om rassisme in Suid-Afrika te verminder. 'n Opsomming van wetgewing en staatsbeleid word as verklaring en motivering vir die behoefte aan sodanige programme ingesluit. Aangesien daar sekere probleme ondervind is tydens die insameling van inligting, asook by die ontleding van sodanige programme, word daar gefokus op die konsep van rassisme, asook op die huidige voorkoms daarvan. In 'n poging om die ontwikkeling van toekomstige programme wat daarop gerig is om rassisme te verminder, te vergemaklik, word daar 'n gedetailleerde uiteensetting van sekere beginsels wat onteenseglik verwant is aan die vermindering van rassissme, ook weergegee.

Anti-racist legislation and education reforms for the past two decades in Brazil have required that curriculum in all basic education combat prejudice and racism and promote critical thinking of the nation's past and current ethnic-racial relations in an effort to construct a society that is more democratic, equal, and just. In response to the reforms, textbooks have been rewritten. This study analyzes one high school history textbook series that was approved by Brazil in 2012, and asks: How, and to what extent, do these new high school history textbooks address critical reflection on race and racism in Brazil? Using qualitative content analysis, I coded the above series for its attention in these matters. My findings reflect that though there are a number of cases where racism in Brazil was admitted, more explanation on the content on racism is needed, the content was too vague, or it lacked necessary details to make its analysis more informed for student reflection.

In two studies, this thesis depicts the relationship between minority group status in the United States, perceived discrimination, and coping with stress. Past literature on coping and its types – problem-focused versus emotion-focused – is inconsistent in terms of differences between minority status groups and majority groups. It remains unknown whether or why Black Americans and lesbian or gay Americans may demonstrate coping patterns that differ from White Americans and heterosexual Americans, respectively. What is altogether absent from the literature is the possible mediating factor of perceived discrimination experienced by these minority groups. That is, differences in internal, stable coping processes that manage stress may have been molded by one’s experience with discrimination. Study 1 examines the relationship between race (Black versus White) and coping, mediated by perceived discrimination. Study 2 examines the relationship between sexual orientation (lesbian or gay versus heterosexual) and coping, mediated by perceived discrimination. Both studies confirm the thesis that minority group members exhibit maladaptive, emotion-focused coping more than majority group members – but that this difference is explained by the minority group members’ perceived discrimination. Historical and political relevance, social implications, and possible limitations in design and interpretation are discussed. / text

The purpose of this study was to explore participants’ perceptions of the impact of a cultural proficiency workshop that discussed concepts of race and racism. Moreover, I was interested in understanding the factors and experiences associated with a greater likelihood that people would want to engage in dialogue on race and racism. The literature suggests that when discussions like these are broached, people can often become disinterested and disengaged (Derman-Sparks & Phillips, 1997; Diem & Carpenter, 2012; Singleton & Linton, 2006; Tatum, 1997). Therefore, if it is indeed pertinent for educators to be presented with knowledge that can be critical to student success, it is vital to understand what aspects of the training and what qualities of the participants lend themselves to a higher level of engagement and interest. To research these phenomena, a mixed method study design was employed. School district central office personnel were required to attend a culture proficiency professional development session which covered concepts of race and racism. I surveyed these participants to gather their perceptions about the impact of the training. In addition, several participants were interviewed. To answer the second research question, certain participants were asked to participate in a follow-up interview to determine the qualities and characteristics that created a greater likelihood that these individuals would see the importance of race-based discourse and continue these conversations. Findings suggest that workshop participants perceived that the workshop helped to increase their level of racial awareness and change their behaviors or disposition. However, it was found that additional follow-up was needed to sustain these efforts. They also expressed that these kinds of workshops are essential. For those who were likely to engage in race-based discourse, it was found that these individuals were racially aware, rejected notions of colorblindness, discovered race at a young age, were more likely to attend diverse schools and live in diverse neighborhoods and were likely to have faced discrimination as a person from an oppressed group or due to a close relationship with someone who was. / text

<p>This research paper aims to show how racism, power, social representations and identity are created and reproduced through the media. The research paper will analyse newspaper articles presented about <em>Cronulla</em><em> riot </em>in The Sydney Morning Herald, The Daily Telegraph and The Sunday Telegraph using Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis, CDA, as a theory and method. The research paper aims to demonstrate how inequality in the Australian society is reproduced by the media through the use stereotypes and certain social representations and how knowledge and awareness about this is relevant to social work of today.</p>

This dissertation explores the lasting effects of recurrent temporary medical humanitarian operations through ethnographic research in communities, clinical facilities, nongovernmental aid organizations, and governmental bureaucracies in the northern Somali Region of Ethiopia. First, I found that medical humanitarian aid has altered persons' subjective experiences and expectations of biomedicine, spirit possession, health, and healing. Popular health cultures and conceptions of "biomedicine" as well as "traditional medicine" were changing, in part due to repeated exposures to relief operations. Second, I documented novel social formations to cope with recurrent aid: new labor relations to enable temporary work with international NGOs; new medical migrations to access comparable care and foreign medical commodities at distant private hospitals; and transnational extra-legal economies of medicine to fill gaps in care. Third, a set of racialized narratives have emerged in the interstices of aid that warn of malpractice and abuse by non-Somali Ethiopian clinicians. Such discourses echo Somalis' historical experiences of ethnic-based conflict with Ethiopian groups as well as their contemporary marginalization from Ethiopian sources of power. Accordingly, although aid is designed to improve immediate access to basic healthcare and medications, I find it also exacerbated medical insecurity. Northern Somalis' discursive expressions of medical insecurity have increased, paradoxically alongside steady improvements in their health and nutrition indicators. Finally, health and humanitarian interventions have altered local notions and practices of citizenship. In the last ten years, as Ethiopia has decentralized its health care delivery system, aid has been progressively channeled through Somali Regional State institutions. Accordingly, many Somalis now discuss the diverse ways in which they are increasingly interpolated into regional politics-often in opposition to the Ethiopian government. Medical humanitarian aid has shaped expectations of government as well as biomedicine. I argue that these new forms of citizenship have emerged primarily because of the intimate and profound nature of medical encounters themselves. The narrow humanitarian mission to minister to what social theorists call the "bare life" of victims, in actuality, is neither dispassionate nor removed from sociality and politics. Medical aid potentially provides spaces in which relations of care-giving, trust, and therefore responsive governance structures can develop.

No description available.

This critical case study investigated the experiences of ten White preservice social studies and language arts teachers as they learned about race and racism during the first semester of an urban-focused teacher preparation program. Through observation, interview, and artifact data, this inquiry analyzed how the preservice teachers engaged with the topic of race through the conceptual framework of critical Whiteness studies. This theoretical lens seeks to identify the normalized, oppressive practices of Whiteness with the goal of reorienting those practices in antiracist ways. The author identified two broad themes of transgressive White racial knowledge and conventional White racial knowledge to characterize the progressive and problematic aspects, respectively, of the preservice teachers’ engagement with race. The participants displayed transgressive White racial knowledge through the way they combatted deficit thinking toward urban students and through their knowledge of the mechanics of Whiteness and structural racism. They displayed conventional White racial knowledge through their stories of early experiences with racial difference, their use of subtle resistance discourses during race conversations, and their tendency to misappropriate critical racial discourses. As a whole, the racial knowledge of the ten White preservice teachers points to conflicted, ambivalent feelings at the core of their racial identities. Their desires to talk about race and to develop an antiracist teaching practice were mediated by competing desires to maintain their identities as “good Whites” and to protect their investments in Whiteness. The complex ways that these White preservice teachers engaged with critical racial discourses have significant implications for critical Whiteness studies, teacher education, and social studies education. Their willingness to explore race in a critical fashion should push teacher educators to resist homogenizing, deficit views of the antiracist potential of White teachers. However, their problematic engagement with race points to the importance of viewing White identity as conflicted. If antiracist pedagogies begin with this understanding of White racial identity, they can encourage profound shifts in the ontology, epistemology, and methodology of Whiteness. These shifts can help White teachers to develop racial literacy and to build an antiracist teaching practice.

Many contemporary classical scholars, such as Benjamin Isaac and Denise McCoskey, frame the ancient Athenian attitudes toward their slaves as akin to or the same as White American racism. In this thesis, I argue that Athenian literary representations of slaves, in comparative perspective, are actually only superficially similar to those constructed in White American literature. I survey ancient Greek comedy and tragedy’s representations of slaves and demonstrate that the genres’ slave stereotypes recognise that slaves share with citizens a common humanity. I survey White American literature from the antebellum and Jim Crow eras, and I establish that its stereotyping of Black slaves and freedmen dehumanises them through the construction of racial difference. I argue that this crucial difference between Athenian and White American representations of slaves indicates that the Athenian city-state’s social system did not feature racism as it is articulated by critical race theorists Eduardo Bonilla-Silva and Joe Feagin. / Graduate / 0294 / 0591 / 0579 / gbutler@uvic.ca