Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007. / The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on September 30, 2008) Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S. in Systems Technology (Scientific and Technical Intelligence)) Naval Postgraduate School, Sept. 1995. / Thesis advisor(,):Peter Lavoy, Vicente Garcia. "September 1995" Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-82). Also available online.

Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010. / Thesis Advisor(s): Simons, Anna ; Second Reader: Khan, Feroz H. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 15, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Pashtun Nationalism, Pashtunwali, Durand Line, Afghan Jihad, Afghan Taliban, Al-Qaeda, Insurgency, Counterinsurgency, FATA, South Asian Conflicts, Indian Cold-Start Strategy, Kashmir Dispute, Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, U.S. AFPAK Strategy, U.S. Troop Surge, Reconciliation with Taliban, Operation Enduring Freedom, U.S.-Pakistan Relations, Nuclear Weapons of Pakistan, Counterinsurgency Strategy of Pakistan, Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), Operation Rah-e-Raast, Operation Rah-e-Nejat, Drone Attacks, Central Asian Republics (CARs), Oil and Gas, The New Great Game, Interests of Iran, India, China and Russia in Afghanistan, Gwadar Port. Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-115). Also available in print.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010. / Thesis Advisor(s): Kapur, Paul S. ; Second Reader: Porch, Douglas. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Cold Start, principal-agent problem, compellence, civil-military relations, inter-service rivalry, escalation, deliberate and inadvertent, limited war, nuclear weapons. Includes bibliographical references (p. 101-108). Also available in print.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1998. / Vita. Abstract. Author's abstract: Adapting Thomas P. Hughes's "large technological systems" thesis, I focus on the technical, social, political, and human problems that nuclear weapons scientists faced while pursuing the thermonuclear project, demonstrating why the early American thermonuclear bomb project was an immensely complicated scientific and technological undertaking. I concentrate mainly on Los Alamos Scientific Laboratory's Theoretical, or T, Division, and its members' attempts to complete an accurate mathematical treatment of the "Super"--The most difficult problem in physics in the postwar period -- and other fusion weapon theories. Although tackling a theoretical problem, theoreticians had to address technical and engineering issues as well. I demonstrate the relative value and importance of H-bomb research over time in the postwar era to scientific, politician, and military participants in this project. I analyze how and when participants in the H-bomb project recognized both blatant and subtle problems facing the project, how scientists solved them, and the relationship this process had to official nuclear weapons policies. Consequently, I show how the practice of nuclear weapons science in the postwar period became an extremely complex, technologically-based endeavor. "LA-13577-T thesis, issued July 1999." Includes bibliographical references. Also available online via Internet.

Orientador: Reginaldo Mattar Nasser / Resumo: A proliferação de armamentos nucleares representa um problema ainda não solucionado na agenda de segurança internacional, e está intimamente relacionada à proliferação de mísseis balísticos. A literatura sobre este tópico contém diferentes hipóteses sobre o que causa a proliferação, as quais podem ser distinguidas entre aquelas que se referem à demanda que os Estados têm por esses armamentos e aquelas que enfatizam o papel da oferta, ou seja, da facilidade de acesso à tecnologia sensível através da cooperação civil internacional. Nesta pesquisa, investigamos o papel de diferentes elementos sobre as decisões dos Estados de adquirirem, ou não, armamentos nucleares e mísseis balísticos, contrapondo as forças relacionadas à demanda e à oferta. Através de uma análise quantitativa, identificamos algumas correlações relevantes, com destaque para a importância da insegurança como uma força motriz da proliferação e a aparente irrelevância do acesso à tecnologia através de acordos de cooperação internacional. A partir de nossa análise estatística, selecionamos o caso da não-aquisição canadense como objeto para uma investigação mais detida, em que confirmamos a importância do contexto de segurança e o papel marginal do acesso à tecnologia, além de identificarmos uma influência de aspectos identitários sobre a decisão de não-aquisição. Diante disso, concluímos que os fatores relativos à demanda têm impacto muito superior sobre a proliferação do que fatores relacionados à oferta. / Abstract: Nuclear weapons proliferation represents a yet unsolved problem in the international security agenda, and it is intimately related to ballistic missile proliferation. Specialized literature on this topic contains different hypotheses about what causes proliferation, which can be distinguished between those that refer to states’ demand for these weapons, and those that emphasize the role of supply, represented by states’ access to sensitive technology through international civil cooperation. In this research, we investigate the role that different factors play in influencing states’ decision to acquire or relinquish nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles, and we contrapose forces related to demand and supply. Through a quantitative analysis, we identify some relevant correlations, among which the relevance of insecurity as a driving force of proliferation and the apparent irrelevance of access to technology through international cooperation are particularly noteworthy. From our statistical analysis, we select the case of Canadian non-acquisition to be the object of more detained investigation, through which we confirmed the importance of the security context and the marginal role of access to technology, besides identifying an influence of identity aspects on the non-acquisition policy. In light of this, we conclude that factors relating to demand have a far larger impact on proliferation than factors relating to supply. / Resumen: La proliferación de armamentos nucleares representa un problema que todavía no tiene solución en la agenda de seguridad internacional, y que está íntimamente relacionado a la proliferación de mísiles balísticos. La literatura acerca de este tópico contiene distintas hipótesis sobre lo que causa la proliferación, que pueden ser distinguidas entre las que se refieren a la demanda de los Estados por eses armamentos, y las que enfatizan el papel de la oferta, o sea, la facilidad de acceso a tecnología sensible a través de la cooperación civil internacional. En esta pesquisa, investigamos el papel de distintos elementos sobre la decisión de los Estados de adquirieren, o no, los armamentos nucleares y los mísiles balísticos, haciendo un contrapunto entre las fuerzas relacionadas a la demanda e a la oferta. A través de un análisis cuantitativo, identificamos algunas correlaciones relevantes, con destaque para la importancia de la inseguridad como una fuerza motriz de la proliferación y la aparente irrelevancia del acceso a tecnología por acuerdos de cooperación internacional. A partir de nuestro análisis estadístico, seleccionamos el caso de la no-adquisición canadiense como objeto para una investigación más detenida, en la cual confirmamos la importancia el contexto de seguridad y el papel marginal del acceso a la tecnología, además de identificamos una influencia de aspectos identitarios sobre la decisión de no-adquisición. Frente a eso, concluimos que los factores relativos a la ... (Resumen completo clicar acceso eletrônico abajo) / Doutor

Submitted by RAQUEL DE BESSA GONTIJO DE OLIVEIRA null (raquelbgontijo@gmail.com) on 2018-03-03T14:17:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese de doutorado - Raquel de Bessa Gontijo de Oliveira.pdf: 2199485 bytes, checksum: 7175c3b6adf14970ba69328f64b9f2e2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-03-05T17:45:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 oliveira_rbg_dr_mar.pdf: 2199485 bytes, checksum: 7175c3b6adf14970ba69328f64b9f2e2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-05T17:45:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 oliveira_rbg_dr_mar.pdf: 2199485 bytes, checksum: 7175c3b6adf14970ba69328f64b9f2e2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A proliferação de armamentos nucleares representa um problema ainda não solucionado na agenda de segurança internacional, e está intimamente relacionada à proliferação de mísseis balísticos. A literatura sobre este tópico contém diferentes hipóteses sobre o que causa a proliferação, as quais podem ser distinguidas entre aquelas que se referem à demanda que os Estados têm por esses armamentos e aquelas que enfatizam o papel da oferta, ou seja, da facilidade de acesso à tecnologia sensível através da cooperação civil internacional. Nesta pesquisa, investigamos o papel de diferentes elementos sobre as decisões dos Estados de adquirirem, ou não, armamentos nucleares e mísseis balísticos, contrapondo as forças relacionadas à demanda e à oferta. Através de uma análise quantitativa, identificamos algumas correlações relevantes, com destaque para a importância da insegurança como uma força motriz da proliferação e a aparente irrelevância do acesso à tecnologia através de acordos de cooperação internacional. A partir de nossa análise estatística, selecionamos o caso da não-aquisição canadense como objeto para uma investigação mais detida, em que confirmamos a importância do contexto de segurança e o papel marginal do acesso à tecnologia, além de identificarmos uma influência de aspectos identitários sobre a decisão de não-aquisição. Diante disso, concluímos que os fatores relativos à demanda têm impacto muito superior sobre a proliferação do que fatores relacionados à oferta. / Nuclear weapons proliferation represents a yet unsolved problem in the international security agenda, and it is intimately related to ballistic missile proliferation. Specialized literature on this topic contains different hypotheses about what causes proliferation, which can be distinguished between those that refer to states’ demand for these weapons, and those that emphasize the role of supply, represented by states’ access to sensitive technology through international civil cooperation. In this research, we investigate the role that different factors play in influencing states’ decision to acquire or relinquish nuclear weapons and ballistic missiles, and we contrapose forces related to demand and supply. Through a quantitative analysis, we identify some relevant correlations, among which the relevance of insecurity as a driving force of proliferation and the apparent irrelevance of access to technology through international cooperation are particularly noteworthy. From our statistical analysis, we select the case of Canadian non-acquisition to be the object of more detained investigation, through which we confirmed the importance of the security context and the marginal role of access to technology, besides identifying an influence of identity aspects on the non-acquisition policy. In light of this, we conclude that factors relating to demand have a far larger impact on proliferation than factors relating to supply. / La proliferación de armamentos nucleares representa un problema que todavía no tiene solución en la agenda de seguridad internacional, y que está íntimamente relacionado a la proliferación de mísiles balísticos. La literatura acerca de este tópico contiene distintas hipótesis sobre lo que causa la proliferación, que pueden ser distinguidas entre las que se refieren a la demanda de los Estados por eses armamentos, y las que enfatizan el papel de la oferta, o sea, la facilidad de acceso a tecnología sensible a través de la cooperación civil internacional. En esta pesquisa, investigamos el papel de distintos elementos sobre la decisión de los Estados de adquirieren, o no, los armamentos nucleares y los mísiles balísticos, haciendo un contrapunto entre las fuerzas relacionadas a la demanda e a la oferta. A través de un análisis cuantitativo, identificamos algunas correlaciones relevantes, con destaque para la importancia de la inseguridad como una fuerza motriz de la proliferación y la aparente irrelevancia del acceso a tecnología por acuerdos de cooperación internacional. A partir de nuestro análisis estadístico, seleccionamos el caso de la no-adquisición canadiense como objeto para una investigación más detenida, en la cual confirmamos la importancia el contexto de seguridad y el papel marginal del acceso a la tecnología, además de identificamos una influencia de aspectos identitarios sobre la decisión de no-adquisición. Frente a eso, concluimos que los factores relativos a la demanda tienen un impacto muy superior sobre la proliferación que los factores relativos a la oferta.

This thesis explores the reputation that the United States has for supporting and promoting three norms related to nuclear weapons: nonproliferation, non-use, and deterrence, while simultaneously examining the impact that United States actions can have on the saliency of the norms themselves. Ultimately, the United States has the ability to considerably impact the saliency of international nuclear norms, and has encouraged other states to accept and abide by them. However, there exists a disparity between the words and actions of the United States. In effect, the United States may “talk the talk” by expressing support and attempting to influence other states to abide by nuclear norms, but has shown a reluctance to “walk the walk” by failing to demonstrate behavior that is in full accordance with the norms. This disparity between words and actions has the ability to damage the United States’ reputation as a leader of nuclear norms, and can ultimately diminish their saliency to the international community.

Doctor of Philosophy / Department of History / Jack M. Holl / Donald J. Mrozek / As president, Dwight Eisenhower believed that nuclear weapons, both fission and fusion, were permissible and desirable assets to help protect U.S. national security against the threat of international communism. He championed the beneficent role played by nuclear weapons, including both civilian and military uses, and he lauded the simultaneous and multi-pronged use of the atom for peace and for war. Eisenhower's assessment of the role and value of nuclear technology was profound, sincere, and pragmatic, but also simplistic, uneven, and perilous. He desired to make nuclear weapons as available, useful, and ordinary for purposes of national security as other revolutionary military technology from the past, such as the tank or the airplane. He also planned to exploit nuclear technology for a variety of peaceful, civilian applications that he also believed could contribute to national strength. However, Eisenhower did not possess a systematic view of national security in the nuclear age as some scholars have argued. Rather, Eisenhower approached the question of how to defend national security through nuclear weapons with an array of disparate ideas and programs which worked simultaneously toward sometimes divergent objectives that were unified only by a simple conception of national strength. In this effort, Eisenhower occasionally pursued what might seem to be conflicting initiatives, but nonetheless consistently advanced his view that strength through nuclear technology was possible, necessary, and sustainable. Because he believed nuclear technology effectively served his goal to defend national security through strength, Eisenhower sought to reverse the perception that nuclear weapons were inherently dangerous by advocating steadily and consistently for the proper and acceptable use of nuclear technology to contribute to the safety of the republic. He conceived policies such as the New Look, massive retaliation, Project Plowshare, and Atoms for Peace in part to convince the American public and the international community of the U.S.'s genuine desire for peace as Eisenhower simultaneously entrenched atomic and thermonuclear weapons into the American national conscience. Through his efforts, Eisenhower made nuclear weapons and nuclear technology ordinary, abundant, and indispensable to U.S. national security in the twentieth century.

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / This thesis attempts to assess the role Africa has played to further the humanitarian approach to nuclear weapons disarmament. Particular focus is on the Pelindaba Treaty and whether it has been able to strengthen the call for disarmament based on the humanitarian approach. The findings of this research are that the Pelindaba treaty did contribute indirectly to the strengthening of the humanitarian initiative of nuclear weapons disarmament because the Treaty serves as an important contribution towards the achievement of a world without nuclear weapons, which is the key objective of the humanitarian initiative of nuclear weapons disarmament. In addition, the Pelindaba Treaty has also contributed in strengthening the call for overall nuclear disarmament. This is the case as 53 states signed the treaty to rid the continent of nuclear weapons and any direct threats associated with those weapons. In so doing, it has contributed greatly to disarmament efforts. A nuclear weapons free zone across the continent is a powerful statement about the desire for a nuclear free world. It has provided African states with a foundation for engaging in the humanitarian initiative, as it led to some standardisation of statements/positions. Also, since the inception of the humanitarian approach to disarmament, African states have contributed greatly to the initiative. In terms of numbers, in the three conferences on the humanitarian impact of nuclear weapons use that have taken place between 2013 and 2014 (in Oslo, Nayarit and Vienna), it was witnessed that the number of participating African states increased from 34 in the first meeting to 45 in the last meeting. This alone indicates the determination and commitment by these African states to the initiative. Conclusively, this research determined that the Pelindaba Treaty and efforts of African states in general have contributed towards strengthening the call for not only the humanitarian initiative to nuclear weapons disarmament but also to disarmament overall.