Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This study sets out to understand the position of Turkish women in gendered jobs and jobs with different levels of prestige from the 1980s to the 2000s, and to compare this position to that of women in similar countries where possible. Although Turkish women's enrolment rates in traditionally male subjects in higher education is above the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) average and despite the fact that they exceed their male counterparts in their graduation rates in most of the university subjects, this success is not reflected in the labour market. Turkish women are mostly trapped in female occupations with medium level of prestige and are particularly excluded from top-ranked jobs. This study argues that the vicious circle of society's expectations of women in the private sphere and the statistical discrimination based on the fulfilment of these expectations affect women's likelihood to be in these jobs negatively. While increasing educational level strongly improves women's position in male-dominated jobs (within 'professional, scientific and technical jobs' category in particular) and their prestige levels, evidence also shows that there is still a drastic lost potential in respect of highly qualified women's employment considering that still in 2010s, there is a remarkable proportion of highly educated women who are not in paid work. It is observed that in 2012, women expanded their attainment in relatively low-prestige jobs and increased their participation further in professional jobs in accordance with their rising higher educational attainment, yet still only 3% of working women are in managerial jobs (TurkStat, 2012). This implies that the prescribed gender roles that saddle women with the heavy burden in the private sphere, which also affect highly educated women's career trajectories, could even be more persisting than the influence of the traditional social structure on women's work that is expected to cause low qualified women to be represented at low rates in (less prestigious) jobs with non-traditional conditions. Considering that women withdraw from the labour market mostly due to marriage, and the findings show that marriage and having children have a negative impact on women's careers at large, attention should be focused on the private sphere. Looking at Turkish households, it is found that the gender segregation at work is reflected in the private sphere: women undertake the demanding traditionally female housework and while there are more potential sources of support for childcare compared to household chores, women's employment status and level of income also do not make a substantial difference in terms of the former also the unbalanced domestic division of labour unlike it is for the latter. Results demonstrate that Turkish men do not have a particularly traditional gender ideology regarding women's paid work. However, their lack of involvement in female chores creates a barrier for women's careers in a semi-direct pattern. The findings refer to the need for a faster increase in Turkish women's higher educational attainment and a stronger external support system via social policies at work and at home. It is also important to reinforce a more egalitarian gender ideology regarding men's roles as spouses and fathers as well as to promote the importance of women's different roles in private and public spheres, not only as wives and mothers but also as individuals, citizens and employers/employees.

Le prestige occupationnel est une mesure utilisée en sociologie des professions pour déterminer le statut social d’un emploi sous la forme d’un continuum hiérarchisé. Cette mesure peut être définie selon : le revenu, l’autorité, l’autonomie et les compétences. En ce basant sur des entrevues auprès de délinquants incarcérés (n=138), cette étude évalue si la notion de prestige s’applique aux occupations illicites. Les résultats suggèrent que les domaines d’activité des occupations illicites ne présentent pas d’homogénéité en termes de prestige. Certaines caractéristiques définissant le prestige des occupations licites, comme le revenu et la compétence, contribuent à définir le prestige des occupations illicites, par contre, l’autonomie et l’autorité n’y contribuent pas. Le milieu criminel présente des caractéristiques particulières comme la difficulté d’atteindre une continuité dans son occupation. Cette continuité explique le prestige des occupations illicites, mais non celui des occupations licites. D’autres indicateurs, comme le réseau criminel et la présence d’un mentor, influençant pourtant les revenus, n’ont pas d’impact sur le prestige des occupations illicite. Des modèles d’équations structurelles ont été utilisés pour vérifier les relations indirectes et les conversions entre les types de capitaux selon la théorie de l’espace social de Pierre Bourdieu. Ces analyses suggèrent l’essentialité de la notion de compétence et de continuité. La discussion et la conclusion élabore sur les notions de continuité, d’accumulation et de conversion de capital. / Occupational prestige is a measure used in the sociology of profession as a determinant of social status. It is conceptualized on continuum, and organized in a hierarchy defined by income, authority, autonomy and qualifications. Using interviews with incarcerated offenders (n=138), this study assesses if this concept of prestige can be used in the context of unlawful occupations. The results suggest that criminal occupation domains are not homogeneous with regards to prestige. Some indicators which contribute to the explanation of lawful occupations’ prestige, such as income and qualifications, contribute to unlawful occupational prestige as well, contrarily to autonomy and authority. The criminal world possesses some particular features such as the difficulty to attain continuity. This continuity explains unlawful occupational prestige, but not the lawful one. Other indicators, like the criminal network and the presence of a mentor influence criminal incomes, but have no direct impact on unlawful occupational prestige. Structural equation modeling was used to observe indirect relationships and conversion rates between the different forms of capitals according to the Pierre Bourdieu’s social space theory. These analyses suggest the essentiality of the qualification and the continuity. The discussion and conclusion develop on the concepts of continuity, capital accumulation and conversion.

Ausgehend vom Rahmenmodell zur Persönlichkeitsentwicklung von Schüler/inne/n nach Pekrun/Helmke (1991), der „Eingrenzungs- und Kompromisstheorie der Berufswahl“ von Gottfredson (2005) und der Typologie des Aufbaus von Berufsidentitäten Fends (1991) wird der Berufsfindungsprozess von Schüler/inne/n der Grundschule (Kl. 5) bis in die Sekundarstufe (Kl. 9) untersucht. Analysiert werden die Berufswünsche von 600 bis 3000 Befragten und ausgewählte Variablen des längsschnittlichen Datensatzes der DFG-Projekte NOVARA, SABA und AIDA (geleitet von Prof. Dr. Renate Valtin). Es werden zwei Fragestellungen verfolgt: (1) Ist die Berufswahltheorie von Gottfredson geeignet, empirisch verifiziert die früh zu beobachtende geschlechtsspezifische Weichenstellungen in der beruflichen Orientierung fundiert zu erklären? (2) Lassen sich Zusammenhänge zwischen einer krisenhaften Bewältigung der Entwicklungsaufgabe „Berufswahl“ und der Entwicklung ausgewählter schulleistungsrelevanter Persönlichkeitsmerkmale nachweisen? Wenn ja, ab wann? Die Analysen bestätigten die Forschungsbefunde zur Geschlechtstypik der beruflichen Interessenorientierung, zum Wandel vom „Traumberuf“ zum realistischen Berufswunsch sowie zu Schwankungen der Häufigkeit geäußerter Berufswünsche in Abhängigkeit von Klassenstufe und Schulform. Des Weiteren bestätigte sich die in der Berufswahltheorie von Gottfredson beschriebene Bedeutung der Kategorie „Geschlecht“ für die Präferenz bestimmter Berufswünsche, des noch akzeptierten Prestiges der Berufswünsche und des mit der Realisierung und Ausübung des gewünschten Berufs verbundenen noch zu bewältigenden kognitiven Anspruchs. Zusammenhänge zwischen der Entwicklung schulleistungsrelevanter Persönlichkeitsmerkmale ab dem Grundschulalter und einer krisenhaften Bewältigung der Entwicklungsaufgabe „Entwicklung einer beruflichen Orientierung“ in der Sekundarstufe I konnten in Bezug auf die allgemeine Schulfreude der männlichen Befragten nachgewiesen werden. / Based on Rahmenmodell zur Persönlichkeitsentwicklung von Schüler/inne/n by Pekrun and Helmke (1991), "Eingrenzungs- und Kompromisstheorie der Berufswahl" Gottfredson (2005) and Typologie des Aufbaus von Berufsidentitäten Fends (1991), the career choice process of primary school students (Class 5) to secondary school (Class 9) is examined longitudinally. The career desires of 600 to 3000 subjects are examined longitudinally, along with selected variables of the longitudinal dataset from the DFG projects NOVARA, SABA and AIDA (led by Prof. Dr. Renate Valtin). Two questions are considered: (1) is the ''Circumscription und Compromise Theory'' according to Gottfredson suitable for explaining the empirically verified gender-specific directions in career orientation, which can be observed early, on a theoretical basis? (2) Can interconnections between a critical mastering of the development task "career selection" and the development of selected school performance-related personality attributes be demonstrated? If yes, from when? Analyses confirm the gender-specification of career orientation, about the change from "dream job" to realistic career choice and about the fluctuations in frequency of stated career desires depending on school year and type of school. Moreover, the importance of the category "gender" described in the "circumscription and compromise theory" of career choice by Gottfredson is confirmed for the preference of certain career desires, of the still accepted prestige of the career desires and of the cognitive requirement yet to be mastered in conjunction with the realisation and exercise of the desired profession. Connections between the development of school performance-relevant personality attributes from primary school age and a critical mastering of the development task "development of a career orientation" in Sekundarstufe I (equivalent to Key Stage 3) could be demonstrated with regard to general happiness at school of the male subjects.

Le prestige occupationnel est une mesure utilisée en sociologie des professions pour déterminer le statut social d’un emploi sous la forme d’un continuum hiérarchisé. Cette mesure peut être définie selon : le revenu, l’autorité, l’autonomie et les compétences. En ce basant sur des entrevues auprès de délinquants incarcérés (n=138), cette étude évalue si la notion de prestige s’applique aux occupations illicites. Les résultats suggèrent que les domaines d’activité des occupations illicites ne présentent pas d’homogénéité en termes de prestige. Certaines caractéristiques définissant le prestige des occupations licites, comme le revenu et la compétence, contribuent à définir le prestige des occupations illicites, par contre, l’autonomie et l’autorité n’y contribuent pas. Le milieu criminel présente des caractéristiques particulières comme la difficulté d’atteindre une continuité dans son occupation. Cette continuité explique le prestige des occupations illicites, mais non celui des occupations licites. D’autres indicateurs, comme le réseau criminel et la présence d’un mentor, influençant pourtant les revenus, n’ont pas d’impact sur le prestige des occupations illicite. Des modèles d’équations structurelles ont été utilisés pour vérifier les relations indirectes et les conversions entre les types de capitaux selon la théorie de l’espace social de Pierre Bourdieu. Ces analyses suggèrent l’essentialité de la notion de compétence et de continuité. La discussion et la conclusion élabore sur les notions de continuité, d’accumulation et de conversion de capital. / Occupational prestige is a measure used in the sociology of profession as a determinant of social status. It is conceptualized on continuum, and organized in a hierarchy defined by income, authority, autonomy and qualifications. Using interviews with incarcerated offenders (n=138), this study assesses if this concept of prestige can be used in the context of unlawful occupations. The results suggest that criminal occupation domains are not homogeneous with regards to prestige. Some indicators which contribute to the explanation of lawful occupations’ prestige, such as income and qualifications, contribute to unlawful occupational prestige as well, contrarily to autonomy and authority. The criminal world possesses some particular features such as the difficulty to attain continuity. This continuity explains unlawful occupational prestige, but not the lawful one. Other indicators, like the criminal network and the presence of a mentor influence criminal incomes, but have no direct impact on unlawful occupational prestige. Structural equation modeling was used to observe indirect relationships and conversion rates between the different forms of capitals according to the Pierre Bourdieu’s social space theory. These analyses suggest the essentiality of the qualification and the continuity. The discussion and conclusion develop on the concepts of continuity, capital accumulation and conversion.

This thesis "Occupational prestige from 1995 to 2013" analyses changes in evaluation of occupational prestige within the era of post-socialistic transformation (1990s) and period of knowledge economy (after 2000). It focuses on latent structures behind prestige evaluation and if these latent structures are influenced by evaluator's social position. A secondary analysis of data from public opinion surveys (IVVM/CVVM) from 1995 to 2013 was carried out. Structure of occupational prestige scale had consolidated from the late 1990s into these groupings: public servants, manual occupations, professional positions important for the society, other non- manual professions and security forces. Further, the author aims to verify the validity of Like-Me hypothesis (people judge occupations that are, according to their class position, similar, as more prestigious than others) and the shared prestige hypothesis (class position doesn't differentiate the evaluations, the notion is rather widely shared). Other factors that have influence on the occupational prestige are analysed, specifically some sociodemographic factors (gender, education, residence size), subjective living standards of households and primarily the historical period (the socialization cohorts) when the person entered the labour market. It was...