Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:17:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cristina de Mello Gomide.pdf: 638990 bytes, checksum: b048873da2c4f4f067c70cdb09cb156d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-23 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This master´s dissertation purpose is the study of the relations between Social Movements and NGOs in the city of Sao Paulo in the period of years 2000 to 2007. The objective is to investigate and analyse, based on the relationship that Social Movements and NGOs built in the Brazilian context, the social and political mediations thar serve as reference to the policy making in the relationship of these two constituent subjects in the contemporary days. The hypothesis assumed here is that social representations of Social Movements and NGOs reveal that the relations between them include, although ambivalent, partnership and political dispute in the context of participatory democratic process. The study of the matter included research in the areas of Sociology, Social Service and Social Psychology, from where we could set apart as basic conceptual references: State / Civil Society Participatory Democracy, Policy Making and Social Representations. There was also documentary research on web sites that contained data on the subject searched and the organizations they represent. The qualitative research methodology was adopted, and semi-structured interviews with open questions have been used as tools for date collection, which started from a script. For analysis of the data the technique adopted was the analysis of content. The research results showed that the ambivalent character of the relations between Social Movements and NGOs in Sao Paulo, in the contemporary days, expressing conflicts, tensions, political disputes, dialogues and partnerships. It showed also that, beyond the relations of disputes, there are possibilities for inter-relations between NGOs and Social Movements in forums and networking, defined as areas of collective struggles, the definition of common agendas and build consensus, pointed to expansion and consolidation of project Brazilian participatory-democratic / A presente dissertação de mestrado teve por objeto o estudo das relações de Movimentos Sociais e de ONGs na cidade de São Paulo, no período compreendido entre os anos de 2000 a 2007. Objetivou-se investigar e analisar, a partir da relação que Movimentos Sociais e ONGs construíram no contexto brasileiro, as mediações sociais e políticas que referenciam o fazer política desses dois sujeitos sociais e os elementos constitutivos da relação entre ambos na contemporaneidade. Definiu-se como hipótese que as representações sociais de Movimentos Sociais e de ONGs revelam que suas relações incluem, de forma ambivalente, a parceria e a disputa política, no contexto do processo democrático participativo. O estudo da temática compreendeu levantamentos bibliográficos nas áreas da Sociologia, Serviço Social e Psicologia Social, dos quais destacam -se como referências conceituais básicas: Estado/Sociedade Civil, Democracia Participativa, Fazer Política e Representações Sociais. Procedeu-se ainda pesquisa documental em sites da Internet que continham dados sobre os sujeitos pesquisados e as organizações que representam. Adotou-se como metodologia a pesquisa qualitativa, tendo sido utilizados como instrumentos de coleta de dados entrevistas semi-estruturadas, com perguntas abertas, que partiram de um roteiro. Para análise dos dados obtidos foi aplicada a técnica de análise de conteúdo. A pesquisa revelou como resultados que as relações entre Movimentos Sociais e ONGs em São Paulo, na contemporaneidade são de caráter ambivalente, expressando conflitos, tensões, disputas políticas, diálogos e parcerias. Revelou ainda que, para além das relações de disputas, há possibilidades de outras inter-relações entre Movimentos Sociais e ONGs em Fóruns e Redes, entendidos como espaços coletivos de lutas, definição de agendas comuns e construção de consensos, direcionados à ampliação e consolidação do projeto democrático-participativo brasileiro

Les modèles techniques agricoles fondés sur l’utilisation de produits phytopharmaceutiques (pesticides) ont des impacts environnementaux et sanitaires face auxquels les pouvoirs publics affichent la volonté d’une « transition écologique ». Dans ce contexte, on s’interroge de plus en plus sur la notion de verrouillage technologique pour comprendre la persistance de ces modèles et les obstacles au développement d’alternatives techniques moins consommatrices de ces produits (Cowan, Gunby, 1996 ; Vanloqueren, Baret, 2008). Les analyses mettent en avant l’importance des dimensions cognitives pour expliquer les situations de verrouillage (influence des cadres cognitifs et normes pour l’action, dispositifs matériels d’accès aux connaissances techniques – Stassart, Jamar, 2009 ; Labarthe, 2010). Parallèlement, la « participation » est souvent invoquée comme un moyen d’améliorer la mobilisation des connaissances dans les situations de choix technologiques (Barber, 1984 ; Callon et al., 2001…).L’objectif de cette thèse est de mettre à l’épreuve cette conviction sur la participation, à partir de l’étude du cas de l’agriculture de conservation (AC) en France et au Brésil. L’AC est un modèle technologique innovant qui émerge comme « candidat » à l’agriculture durable dans le débat public, en dépit de la dépendance de certaines techniques à l’utilisation d’herbicides.Pour comprendre les effets de la participation sur la capacité des acteurs à accéder aux connaissances et à faire des choix technologiques, la thèse analyse la façon dont l’idée de participation se décline concrètement dans le régime d’accès aux connaissances en agriculture. L’évolution de la politique agricole en France et le passage d’un référentiel « modernisateur » à un « référentiel de marché » (Muller, 2000) a fait l’objet de nombreuses études, mais peu souvent menées depuis le point de vue des connaissances. Or, de profonds changements sont en cours, suite au tournant libéral des années 1990 et à la transformation du rôle de l’Etat vers la mise en œuvre d’une régulation par l’information (Majone, 1996). L’analyse de ces transformations en France révèle que l’Etat ne s’est pas doté des dispositifs institutionnels et matériels adéquats pour assurer cette fonction de régulation dans le domaine de l’agriculture et de l’utilisation des pesticides. Dans ce contexte, la participation est invoquée pour organiser de grandes consultations nationales (Grenelle de l’Environnement) visant à produire du consensus sur des sujets controversés, tandis que les moyens matériels d’accès à des connaissances adéquates pour évaluer et débattre des options technologiques font défaut dans les services de l’Etat et auprès d’autres acteurs du débat public. adéquats La participation est aussi utilisée pour renvoyer l’innovation à des dispositifs locaux « en partenariat » ou « en réseaux » associant public et privé (et notamment les firmes d’amont fournisseuses de produits phytopharmaceutiques, porteuses de conflits d’intérêt), où les moyens mutualisés pour l’accès aux connaissances manquent. L’analyse des réseaux d’action publique impliqués dans le développement de l’AC confirme cette fragmentation croissante des conditions d’accès aux connaissances, entre accumulation des ressources cognitives par les firmes, et inégalités d’accès aux connaissances entre agriculteurs développant des alternatives. Dans ce contexte, la référence à « la participation » ne permet pas de compenser ces changements structurels à l’œuvre, et masque au contraire le retrait de l’Etat d’une politique volontariste en faveur de la réduction de pesticides et la perte d’un certain nombre de ses prérogatives liées aux connaissances. La dimension comparative avec le Brésil permet de confirmer l’existence de tels effets « pervers » en termes de dépolitisation des débats sur les évolutions du régime d’accès aux connaissances. / Intensive use of pesticides in agriculture has environmental and sanitary impacts that led to the need for less harmful techniques. Policy makers are claiming for an “ecological transition” of the sector but they are facing technological lock-ins : pesticides-based solutions remain dominant because of institutional and cognitive factors that prevent the development of other alternatives (Cowan, Gunby, 1996; Vanloqueren, Baret, 2008…). In this context, the idea of enlarging the participation of new actors in technological decisions has gained success as it is supposed to enlarge the range of available evidence and lead to better and fairer technological choices (Barber, 1984; Callon et al., 2001; Elgert, 2010)This PhD research aims at questioning the idea of participation as a way to unlock technological lock-ins , using the case of Conservation Agriculture (CA) in France and Brazil, an innovation presented as based on participatory dynamics of R&D and a way to achieve sustainable agriculture, in spite of the dependence of some practices on an intensive use of herbicides. Data was collected from academic literature, documentary analysis, and semi directive or collective interviews with 51 actors both in France and Brazil. Results show the deep changes the regime of knowledge in agriculture has undergone in the last decades under the liberalization of the sector- and why referring to the idea of participation is unefficient to counterbalance these structural changes, or can even have perverse effects.Academic literature described the evolution of agricultural policies, at the international, European and French levels, analyzing the “environmental” turn of the 1980s and the “liberal” turn of the 1990s-2000s (Fouilleux, 2003; Muller, 2000; Trouvé, 2007). But few studies focused on the impacts these changes had on how decision makers and farmers have access to scientific and technical evidence to innovate and cope with new situations. This PhD research shows how the regime of knowledge in France evolved from the modernization period (1960s) - when access to reliable evidence was an issue of public concern and funding in the State administrations and extension services; to a turning point in the 2000s when the State progressively disengaged from the debate on the technological trajectory of the sector and private firms became more and more implicated. In the case of CA, the results of a policy networks analysis show the concentration of material resources to produce robust evidence (R&D, extension services, databases ) in the hands of private firms wishing to develop technological packages based on the use of pesticides. On the other hand, local farmers trying to reduce their consumption of pesticides lack resources to systematically evaluate the innovations they produce.In this context, the idea of participation refers to organizing big national consultations (as the Grenelle de l’Environnement) that rather aim at producing consensus than shedding light on existing controversies and alternatives. It is also used to discharge the responsibility for producing pesticide-less alternatives to different kinds of partnerships at a local level (sometimes associating private firms with commercial interests in selling pesticides).This research therefore shows that, besides other institutional and cognitive factors, the issue of accessing adequate evidence is of crucial importance to understand changes in policy making and the State and at the heart of great economic and socio-political conflicts. It also highlights the importance of taking into account structural determinants and evidence-related power games in order to evaluate the impacts of “participation” on improving technological choices.

政治代表著一種權威性的價值分配，政府的工作便是在制訂與執行這些價值分配的政策，其間必然牽涉到權力的形成、分配與運用，而菁英往往比一般人更有權力，因此菁英如何影響政策制訂是一個值得關注的問題。 而「國民身分健保合一智慧卡（簡稱國民卡）計畫」，從相關的報導中，筆者發現國民卡一案的決策過程乃是以菁英決策的方式出現，主要涉及行政菁英、立法菁英、知識菁英與企業菁英間的互動，因而希望藉由國民卡個案的探討，進一步對菁英理論如何應用於政策制訂過程有較為深入的了解。 本文係採文獻探討法與深度訪談法，首先對政策制訂過程與菁英理論進行探討，並將菁英分為行政菁英、立法菁英、知識菁英與企業菁英四類，進而就其角色、影響政策的策略進行說明，在獲得菁英理論如何應用於政策制訂過程的大致輪廓後，接著對國民卡政策制訂過程進行說明，並對國民卡方案中各類菁英運用策略進行分析，最後作出結論。 本文研究發現如下：一、國民卡方案的制訂，深受菁英理念之影響；二、社會大眾對國民卡方案制訂之影響有限；三、少數菁英對於政策有重大影響；四、權力由一元轉為多元。 在研究建議方面，本文除對菁英理論作出建議外，對於實務上亦提供相關政策建議，包括：一、政策綠皮書的公布；二、建立完善諮詢制度，善用吸納策略；三、採取漸進策略；四、強化政黨協商，適度滿足各方需求；五、健全資訊政策相關立法。

The primary aim of the study was to design a model for changing teachers' attitudes towards the value of teaching critical thinking skills. Currently, information regarding the conceptualisation of this topic is inadequate and vague. In this study the nature of the complexities involved in the management and implementation of the teaching of critical thinking skills were researched through a literature study and an empirical investigation. A model was then designed for the effective management of the implementation thereof. The findings from the research indicated that teachers' attitudes towards the value of teaching critical thinking skills to learners are negative. It also became evident that the school principal should manage the implementation of the teaching of critical thinking skills to learners. The focus of the proposed model is on how teachers' attitudes towards the value of teaching critical thinking skills can be changed to ensure quality educative teaching and learning in and outside of the classroom. The study therefore serves to present a useable model for the management of the implementation of teaching critical thinking skills to learners. The study is further based on a well balanced opinion as experiences of teachers in the senior phase (grades 7, 8, & 9) were investigated by means of structured questionnaires. Recommendations regarding research findings were made for stakeholders and education departmental officials to note. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Education Management))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2010.

The primary aim of the study was to design a model for changing teachers' attitudes towards the value of teaching critical thinking skills. Currently, information regarding the conceptualisation of this topic is inadequate and vague. In this study the nature of the complexities involved in the management and implementation of the teaching of critical thinking skills were researched through a literature study and an empirical investigation. A model was then designed for the effective management of the implementation thereof. The findings from the research indicated that teachers' attitudes towards the value of teaching critical thinking skills to learners are negative. It also became evident that the school principal should manage the implementation of the teaching of critical thinking skills to learners. The focus of the proposed model is on how teachers' attitudes towards the value of teaching critical thinking skills can be changed to ensure quality educative teaching and learning in and outside of the classroom. The study therefore serves to present a useable model for the management of the implementation of teaching critical thinking skills to learners. The study is further based on a well balanced opinion as experiences of teachers in the senior phase (grades 7, 8, & 9) were investigated by means of structured questionnaires. Recommendations regarding research findings were made for stakeholders and education departmental officials to note. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Education Management))--North-West University, Vaal Triangle Campus, 2010.

中共對台工作組織研究是兩岸關係研究課題的核心，值得就此議題，投注心力予以關注。本論文旨在針對中共對台工作運作過程，透過理論的闡述和案例的實證，試圖掌握中共決策行為發生的規律、決策規則的選擇，以及政策的實施等過程，進一步找出影響中共對台決策績效的真實原因，為我國與中共交手尋求對策。因此，本論文以政府過程為研究途徑，關注下列問題：中共對台決策權由哪些組織及何人控制？哪些組織或人得以參與對台決策過程？有哪些因素、哪些人影響中共對台決策過程？台灣民眾的利益是如何輸入中共的決策中樞？對台政策如何制定？政策制定的法定程序如何？有哪些實際過程？制定出來的政策如何執行？哪些組織或人控制著對台政策的執行過程？對台政策能否得到有效的執行？影響政策執行的因素為何？政策制定與執行如何互動？ 政府過程（process of government）是對政府活動的行為、運轉、程序，和構成要素如政治利益團體之間，以及它們與政府之間的交互關係，進行實證性的分析、研究和闡述。政府過程研究，強調用一種動態的方法，對政府體系與制度進行觀察、分析。政府過程的核心功能是政府決策和決策實施。過程是指政治要求與支持的輸入，轉化成權威性政策輸出的過程，包括利益表達（interest articulation）、利益綜合（interest aggregation）、政策制定（policy making）、政策執行（policy implementation）等，其中政策制定或政策執行是政治過程的關鍵性階段。本文假設中共的對台政策的制定依據，都來自於聽到、看到、想到：聽到台灣領導人、朝野政黨、社會意見領袖、學者專家、大眾傳媒怎麼說，看到台灣平面媒體怎麼寫，民意調查怎麼反應，以及政治、經濟、社會如何變化，中共決策制定者進而思索如何據此制定適當的對台政策。因此，本論文以為中共對台工作的政府過程，始自訊息的蒐集、綜合研析。 本論文探討的中共政府，有四個層次：一是狹義的政府，這是指中央政府的國務院及各級地方人民政府；二是廣義的政府，除了國務院及各級地方人民政府，還包括全國人民代表大會及各級地方人民代表大會；三是更廣義的政府，也就是除了第二類，尚包括中國共產黨各級組織、軍隊組織，以及中國人民政治協商會議各級組織等；四是包含上述之外，同時涵蓋民主黨派、人民團體，甚至企業、社團等，也就是所謂的政府體系。就宏觀面來看，本論文其實就是在探討中共政府體系的對台工作。 中共對台工作機制的建立，與其對台認知有關，當認知改變，對台政策隨即跟著改變，對台工作的方法，以及組織和人員也接著改變。因此，中共慣稱，政治路線決定組織路線，組織路線又決定幹部路線。政治路線是總方針、總政策，政策決定後，就須從其本質和需求，考慮何種組織體系以達成目標。同時，就政府過程探討中共對台組織結構，並不只是從規範層面就結構談結構，而是從實務運作上可以觀察到的功能進行分析，也就是以哪些政治結構實際上介入政府過程為標準。基本上，中共對台工作已經形成一個龐大的網絡，是以台辦系統為主幹，再佐以黨、政、軍、群等其他相關部門，構成網絡關係結構。綜合而言，中共對台工作機制，是中共為進行國家統一過程而設置的一種制度安排，並具有下列特點：一、黨的領導；二、黨政共治模式；三、軍隊角色特別突出；四、領導與協調小組普遍設置；五、社群參與政府過程運作；六、多元、多層次的複雜工作體系。 關鍵字：中共對台工作、政府過程、利益表達、利益綜合、政策制定、政策執行 / The research over Leading Group of Taiwan Affairs has been an important issue in the study of Cross-Strait Relations. This thesis attempts to find out the pattern of China’s policy over Taiwan Affairs through the process of decision making within Leading Group. At least seven research questions can be listed in this thesis. 1) Who and which group control policy over Taiwan Affair in China? 2) Who is involved in the process of decision making? 3) Which element can influence the change of policy? 4) How does China consider the interest of Taiwan’s people? 5) How to implement Taiwan’s Policy in reality? 6) Who has power over the implementation of Taiwan’s Policy? Finally, 7) how does the interaction between policy implementation and policy making in China? The research over process of government can be considered as the behavior, performance, procedure and formation of government, as well as the interaction and empirical analysis of political interest groups and government. It is a dynamic process over the investigation of governmental system. Process is defined as the input of political request and demand, as well as the output of authoritative policy, including interest articulation, interest aggregation, policy making, and policy implementation. The last two elements, especially, are the essence of policy process. By assuming China’s policy on Taiwan is formed by hearing, listening and deliberating of Taiwan: hearing the voices of Taiwan’s leaders, scholar, media; listening to the poll of Taiwanese people; and deliberating the evolutions on Taiwan’s political, economic and social changes; China’s decisions making in terms of Taiwan Affairs can be molded. This thesis will focus on the Chinese governmental process on Taiwan Affairs and discuss four levels of central governments in terms of decision making over this issue. The first and most narrow-defined level of central government refers to the State Council and its national branches. The second and less narrow-defined of central government refers to the first level governmental organs plus the National People’s Congress and its national branches. The third level of government is defined as the first and second levels of governmental organ plus the Chinese Communist Party, military organization and National Committee of the Chinese People’s Consultative Conference. Whereas the fourth and widest-defined central government includes above organizations plus all kind of governmental bodies. From this aspect, this thesis aims to discuss Taiwan Affairs from all sorts of governmental bodies. The establishment of Policy on Taiwan Affairs is based on China’s perception on Taiwan issue. The change of perception will shift the direction of policy, which will also affect China’ attitude and arrangement of personnel. Therefore, China government used to argue—it is political direction determines organization direction, and it is organization direction decides cadre direction. Political direction is the mainstream of all kinds of principles and policies. When political direction is decided, organization direction should be adjusted in order to achieve political direction. In the meantime, the discussion over the process of government in terms of Taiwan Affairs should not be focused on the‘norm,’rather; it is the empirical analysis that matter. Basically, China’s affair on Taiwan Issue has formulated an enormous governmental network, which constitutes by the Chinese communist party, politic, military and many governmental divisions. All in all, six characteristics of Taiwan Affairs can be found in this thesis: 1) the dominate of the ruling party; 2) a model of join-governance; 3) the emphasis of the role on military; 4) a wide establishment of coordination committee; 5) various participations within governmental process; and 6) multi-variate and multi-levels working system. Key words: Taiwan affairs, Process of government, Interest articulation, Interest aggregation, Policy making, Policy implementation

The central issue of this study revolves around public participation in the making and implementation of policy in Mauritius, particularly at the Port Louis’ local government. Public participation is regarded as one of the milestones of democracy and local governance. Local government provides an ideal forum for allowing participatory democracy to flourish as it is closest to the inhabitants. The question of what are the levels of public participation in the making and implementation of policy in Mauritius with reference to the Port Louis’ local government formed the core element of the problem statement of the thesis. Following this, the hypothesis is stated. Attention is devoted on the four objectives of the research questions: What are the key concepts that relate to public participation in the making and implementation of policy at local government level; what impact does the Constitution of the Republic of Mauritius Amendment, 2003 (Act 124 of 2003) and the New Local Government Act, 2005 (Act 23 of 2005) have on public participation in the making and implementation of policy in Mauritius, particularly at the Port Louis’ local government and what modes of public participation are used in the making and implementation of policy at the Port Louis’ local government; and what are the main factors that influence public participation in the making and implementation of policy at the Port Louis’ local government? Within the thesis, the research findings obtained from the questionnaire; and the interviews are analysed and interpreted. Ultimately, in view of the arguments presented in this thesis an attempt was made to provide some recommendations on public participation in the making and implementation of policy in Mauritius, particularly at the Port Louis’ local government. / Public Administration / D.P.A)

The aim of this study was to develop an empowerment model that could be used to enhance nurse leaders’ participation in health policy development. The study explored the extent of nurse leaders’ participation in health policy development; built consensus on: essential leadership attributes and facilitators and barriers to nurse leaders participation in health policy development. A Delphi survey was applied which included the following criteria: expert panelists, iterative rounds, statistical analysis, and consensus building. The expert panelists were purposively selected and included national nurse leaders in leadership positions at the nursing professional associations, nursing regulatory bodies, ministries of health and universities in East Africa. The study was conducted in three iterative rounds. There were 78 expert panelists invited to participate in the study, the response rate was 47% for the first round, 65% for the second round and 100% for the third round. The data collection was done with the use of semi structured (first round) and structured questionnaires (second and third rounds). Data analysis for the first round was done by examining the data for the most commonly occurring categories. The second and third rounds were quantitative and descriptive statistics were used. The consensus accepted for the second round was 90%, and for the third round consensus was 70%. The findings of the study indicate that nurse leaders participate in health policy development though participation is limited and not consistent across all the stages of health policy development. The study revealed consensus on essential leadership attributes required for nurse leaders’ participation in health policy development, including transformational attributes, political skills, interpersonal and communication skills. The facilitators to nurse leaders’ participation in health policy development pertain to: knowledge and skills, involvement, image of nursing, support, structures and processes. Whereas, the barriers relate to: involvement, image of nursing, structures and processes. An empowerment model for nurse leaders participation in health policy development was developed. Implementation of the model may lead to enhance nurse leaders participation in health policy development. / Health Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Health Studies)

This dissertation examines the democratic participation in the formulation of the communal land policy in Namibia. The degree to which Government institutions allow public participation, cooperation with other sectors within government, and cooperate with other stakeholders such as Non-Governmental Organisations, is examined. Data were collected using questionnaires and interviews and literature research. The analysis of data integrated both qualitative and quantitative methodologies. Chapter One describes the background to the study, focusing on the history of democratic participation and land policies in Namibia. The literature review in Chapter Two gives a review of the relevant literature that exists on democracy, democratic participation and policymaking. Chapter Three provides a theoretical framework where the most important issues regarding policies relating to communal land were introduced. Chapter Four identified the tools and processes of conducting the study. Three regions in Namibia namely, Oshikoto, Hardap and Otjozondjupa were randomly selected to participate in this study. The findings of the study are discussed in Chapter Five and Chapter Six concludes the study. The study concluded that democratic participation in the formulation of the communal land policy in Namibia is very low. The major challenges that remain are to encourage public and inter-sectoral debate and to improve the ability of the relevant stakeholders to support development in Namibia and to clarify Namibia’s vision for democratic public participation. / Public Administration and Management / M. Tech. (Public Administration and Management)

Como alternativa para superar mais uma crise do capitalismo, no final do século XX configurou-se uma nova organização geopolítica e econômica mundial de cunho neoliberal. Ela atribui ao Estado de Bem-Estar Social a responsabilidade pela crise e pela ineficiência em responder às demandas sociais do mundo em transformação. Em resposta às críticas, nasce o movimento de reforma do Estado, que vem assumindo posições nas duas últimas décadas. Nos anos 80 predominou a concepção do Estado mínimo, que encarregou o mercado da responsabilidade pelo crescimento econômico e pelo atendimento às necessidades da sociedade. Na década seguinte questionou-se esse modelo. O ideário do Estado forte regulador e coordenador de políticas sociais respondeu aquele questionamento, deixando para o mercado e o terceiro setor a produção de bens e serviços. Influenciado pela nova administração pública, esse Estado é concebido como gerenciador do desenvolvimento social, incorporando mecanismos do setor privado para aperfeiçoar resultados, como retenção de gastos e controle de custos. Essa é a orientação do plano diretor de reforma do aparelho estatal implantado pelo Governo brasileiro a partir de 1995. Uma de suas principais estratégicas foi a criação das organizações sociais – estatuto legal que permite às instituições sem fins lucrativos desenvolverem funções sociais delegadas pelo Estado. A partir de 1998, a Secretaria de Estado da Saúde de São Paulo tem repassado a gestão de hospitais para organizações sociais de saúde, mediante contratos de gestão,que discriminam objetivos e metas a serem alcançados na produção de serviços médico-hospitalares. Duas dessas experiências são analisadas aqui – os Hospitais Gerais de Itapecerica da Serra e do Itaim Paulista – com vistas a avaliar a capacidade do Estado de promover tal delegação, à luz do controle público e da garantia da eqüidade no acesso aos serviços de saúde. Empregou-se metodologia qualitativa, mediante estudo de caso. Foram realizadas trinta entrevistas com membros das equipes técnicas, das administrações e das mantenedoras dessas organizações, usuários dos serviços, representantes do Legislativo e do Executivo estadual. Procedeu-se à leitura de documentos e relatórios técnicos. Os resultados indicaram não haver incorporação do âmbito local na gestão dos serviços prestados; o principal coordenador e controlador das metas estabelecidas é a administração central da secretaria estadual. Para que se efetive a eqüidade no acesso, é fundamental a presença do Poder público local como articulador do sistema de saúde. O controle público expressa-se por ações fiscalizadoras mediante procedimentos contábil-financeiros do Tribunal de Contas do Estado ou das instâncias locais do controle social do Sistema Único de Saúde ou dos conselhos populares de saúde. A população não participa da formulação das ações de saúde. Nessa modalidade de gestão, o Poder público estadual assume presença marcante mediante financiamento global e controle administrativo dessas organizações, o que caracteriza uma desconcentração de função para instituições públicas não-estatais, responsáveis por uma lógica privada de gerenciamento por intermédio da contratação de recursos humanos e de administração financeira, aspectos limitantes da ação estatal. / At the end of the 20th century we had seen the come out of a new geopolitical and economical world configuration of neoliberal traces, as an alternative to overcome the capitalism crisis. The Welfare State is criticized by such conception, being assigned to it the responsibility for the crisis and the inefficiency to answer the social demands of a world that is constantly changing. In response to these critiques comes out the State reform movement that has assumed several propositions in the past two decades. The conception of minimum State that prevailed in the 80’s, leaving to the market the responsibility for the economical growing and caring of the society needs. In the next decade this model was questioned. Then comes the ideology of the strong State that must regulate and coordinate the social politics, leaving to the market and the non-governmental organizations the productions of goods and services. Influenced by the new public management, this State is conceived as a manager of social development, using mechanisms of the private sector to optimize results, as the retention of expenses and cost control. We observe this orientation in the director plan of reform of the governmental machine, presented by the Brazilian Govern since 1995. One of the main strategies was the creation of the Social Organizations ¾ legal statute that allows the non profit institutions to develop social functions delegated by the State. Since 1998, the Secretaria de Estado da Saúde de São Paulo has repassed hospitals to Social Organizations of Health, through performance agreements, establishing goals to be reached in the production of hospitalar services. Two of these experiences were analysed ¾ the General Hospitals from Itapecerica da Serra and from Itaim Paulista ¾ with the intention to evaluate the ability of the State in promoting such delegation, under the public control and the guarantee of equity in the access to he health services. We used qualitative methodology, through the technique of study of case. There were thirty interviews done, involving members from the technical staff, from the administration and from the owners of these organizations, users of the services, and representatives of the Legislative and Executive of the State. We did read the documents and technical reports. The results indicated that there is no incorporation at the local level in the management of the services done, and that the central level of the Secretaria Estadual is the main coordinator and controller of the goals established. As to the equity in the access, is fundamental the presence of the local Public Power to its effectiveness, in the articulation of the health system, as we have seen in the Itapecerica da Serra experience. The public control is made by inspection actions, through financial procedures of the Tribunal de Contas do Estado, or the local instances of social control of the Sistema Único de Saúde or of the popular counsils of health. There is no participation of the population in the formulation of health actions. In this kind of management the Public Power of the state of the São Paulo has a fundamental role, through the global financing and administrative control of these Organizations, characterizing a desconcentration of function for non governmental public institutions, that is responsible for a private logic of managing, through the contract of human resources and financial administration, limiting aspects of the action of the State.