The Swedish old-age care will in the near future face an extensive need to recruit enrolled nurses by virtues of the demographical development. The generation born in the 1940s will soon retire, and at the same time the rest of the population is growing older. One thing that becomes more important in how to draw more people to the old-age care, is to understand how the ones who allready work there experience their own worksituation. The purpose of this study was to find out how enrolled nurses from two different generations experienced their own occupational role and make similarities and differences between the two generations experiences visible. The topics of interest in our study are the respondents own thoughts about their education, their worksituation today, what they think of the future and how they believe others regard their work. To fulfill the purpose of our study we used qualitative interviews. We have performed interviews with three enrolled nurses between 50 and 57 years of age and four enrolled nurses between 20 and 25 years of age. The result was then analyzed with the help of Ingleharts theory “The silent revolution” and the concept of generations. The results showed that there were differences between the two generations. We can´t either on the basis of the small selection of respondents in our study draw any general conclusions. But some differences that show is that the older generation in a larger extent identify with their own occupational role. We also experience that the older are more satisfied with their work situation. They see possibilities to develop in their profession, which the younger don´t. The younger make demands on more possibilities and are more restless then the older generation. From the result we can also see that eatch generation is relative homogeneous. When their is differences between the generations their is often similarites within the own generation. One thing that both generations have in common and that shows clear in the interviews are the importens of empathy and good treatment.

<p>Abstract</p> <p>In 1871, during the Franco-Prussian War, the Parisian workers revolted against the bourgeois government and established the Paris Commune. Extolling it as the first workers' government, classical Marxist writers took it as an exemplary--though embryonic-- model of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The principles of the Paris Commune, according to Marx, lay in that "the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery, and wield it for its own purposes." General elections and the abolishment of a standing army were regarded by classical Marxist writers as defining features of the organ of power established in the Paris Commune. After the defeat of the Paris Commune, the Marxist interpretation of the Commune was widely propagated throughout the world, including in China.</p> <p>20th century China has been rich with experiences of Commune-type theories and practices. At the end of 1966 and the beginning of 1967, inspired by the Maoist theory of continuous revolution and the vision of a Commune-type state structure, the rebel workers in Shanghai, together with rebellious students and revolutionary party cadres and leaders, took the bold initiative to overthrow the old power structure from below. On Feb.5, 1967, the Shanghai workers established the Shanghai Commune modeled upon the Paris Commune. This became known as the January Storm. After Mao's death in 1976, the communist party and government in China has rewritten history, attacking the Cultural Revolution. And the Shanghai Commune has barely been mentioned in China, let alone careful evaluation and in-depth study. This dissertation attempts to recover this lost yet crucial history by exploring in historical detail the origin, development and supersession of the Shanghai Commune. Examining the role of different mass organizations during the January Storm in Shanghai, I attempt to offer a full picture of the Maoist mass movement based on the theory of continuous revolution. Disagreeing with some critics' arguments that the Shanghai Commune was a negation of the party-state, I argue that it neither negated the party nor the state. Instead, the Shanghai Commune embodied the seeds of a novel state structure that empowers the masses by relegating some of the state power to mass representatives and mass organs. Differing from the common narrative and most scholarship in the post-Mao era, I argue that the commune movement in the beginning of 1967 facilitated revolutionary changes in Chinese society and state structure. The Shanghai Commune and the Shanghai Revolutionary Committee developed as ruling bodies that did not hold general elections or abolish the standing army and in this way did not replicate the Paris Commune. But in contrast to the old Shanghai organs of power, they were largely in conformity with the principles of the Paris Commune by smashing the Old and establishing the New. Some of their creative measures, "socialist new things", anticipated the features of a communal state -a state that does not eradicate class struggle yet begins to initiate the long process of the withering away of the state itself.</p> / Dissertation

This thesis examines the methods and actions of selected Virginians who chose to adopt irregular tactics in wartime, and focuses on the reasons why they fought that way. The presence of the Cavalier image in Virginia had a direct impact on the military exploits of several cavalry officers in both the Revolutionary War and the American Civil War. The Royalist cavalry during the English Civil War gave rise to the original Cavalier image, but as migrants came to Virginia during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the image became a general term for the Southern planter. This thesis contends that selected Virginia cavalry officers attempted to adhere to an Americanized version of the Cavalier image. They either purposefully embodied aspects of the Cavalier image during their military service, or members of the Southern populace attached the Cavalier image to them in the post-war period. The Cavalier thus served as a military ideal, and some cavalry officers represented a romanticized version of the Southern martial hero. This thesis traces the development of the Cavalier image in Virginia chronologically. It focuses on the origins of the Cavalier image and the role of the Royalist cavalry during the English Civil War. After the Royalist migration, and especially during the American Revolution, Virginians like Henry Lee embodied aspects of the Cavalier image during their military careers. Between the end of the American Revolution and the beginning of the Civil War, some Southern authors perpetuated the image by including Cavalier figures in many of their literary works. In the Civil War, select Virginians who fought for the Confederacy personified the Cavalier hero in the minds of many white Southerners. Despite a Confederate defeat, the Cavalier image persisted in Southern culture in the post-Civil War period and into the twentieth century.

This dissertation aims to discuss the incorporation of the &ldquo / nationalist&rdquo / Kazak intellectuals of Alash Orda to the Soviet Socialist Republics and their role in the establishment of the Kazak ASSR. In the course of events they acted first together with Russian liberal democrats, then they sought to establish a national government and fought against the Bolsheviks, but after 1920 they chose to stay in the USSR and join the modernization process of their homeland alongside the Bolsheviks. In the mainstream academic discourse the local leaders in the republics of the USSR are generally considered as passive victims of the Soviet policies. The members of the Kazak national movement of Alash Orda are also neglected as weak political figures after they had accepted the Soviet rule. But they continued their struggle for enlightening the Kazak people in 1920s. Their collaboration with the Bolsheviks was concomitant to their motives of modernizing the Kazaks. Their role in the Soviet Kazakstan did not come to an end after their acceptance of the Soviet sovereignty but it continued. My argument is that the struggle of the members of Alash Orda was in continuity with their program before the revolution, and their cooperation with the Bolsheviks was a way to realize their objectives, and it opened a sphere for them to have a role in the formation of the Kazak ASSR.

This thesis analyzes five selected memoirs by Iranian women written after the Iranian Revolution of 1979 within the framework of the pre and post Revolution Period. These memoirs are thought as constituting a shift within the Iranian Literature by women. The memoir writing tradition in Iran which was absent before the revolution and boomed afterwards is the first topic of discussion with its catalysing factors. These memoirs are handled within the larger framework of Iranian literary tradition. The study mainly analyses the common characteristics and issues in these five memoirs, and the changes in the women&rsquo / s lives after the revolution as depicted within the memoirs.

This thesis is an attempt to reassess the long debated issues of economic history from the perspective of institutional economics. Besides examining different approaches to technology and its impact on economic and social life, it analyzes the role of institutions in history. It discusses the institutional interpretations of the critical developments of economic history such as, the Industrial Revolution and the Great Divergence, with an emphasis on differences between the two scholarly traditions, namely, the Original Institutional Economics and the New Institutional Economics. Although the arguments of New Institutionalists concerning the role of technology in history have been effectively incorporated into the economic history research, the potential contributions of the Original Institutional Economics to the study of economic history have remained for the most part unexplored. The aim of this thesis is to demonstrate the relevance and importance of original institutional analysis with respect to technology and economic history.

A SURVEY OF THE DISTINCTION BETWEEN ETHICS AND POLITICS WITH AN ARISTOTELIAN APPRAISAL &Ccedil / elik, Sinan Kadir Ph.D., Department of Philosophy Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Ahmet &amp / #272 / nam March 2010, 189 pages In the history of philosophy, ethics and politics have either been considered as two unrelated, irreducible realms or as identical to each other. In the thesis the historical transformation of the problematic relation between ethics and politics is critically evaluated. It is argued that from the emergence of the conflict in Ancient Greece following the &ldquo / Socratic ideal&rdquo / to the modern attempt for its resolution by the &ldquo / Machiavellian revolution,&rdquo / the prominent theories developed for dealing with the problem have defined politics as an amoral practice, as a science, a technique or an art. An alternative Aristotelian approach is tried to be developed so as to elucidate the nature of the distinction between ethics and politics. According to this view, ethics and politics can neither be strictly separated from each other nor be reduced into one another. The Aristotelian conception of politike as &ldquo / philosophy of human affairs&rdquo / has ethical, practical and technical dimensions. The thesis tries to clarify at which point ethics and politics should be conceived as two different practices and at which point they cannot be treated as independent from each other. Hence, the present study aims to determine the peculiarities and the strong sides of Aristotelian practical philosophy in order to offer an alternative to resolve the problem under consideration.

In this thesis, the effect of semi-geodesic winding on the free vibration characteristics of filament wound composite shells of revolution with variable radii of curvature is studied. The analysis is performed by a semi-analytical solution method which is based on the numerical integration of the finite exponential Fourier transform of the fundamental shell of revolution equations. The governing equations for the free vibration analysis are initially obtained in terms of fundamental shell variables, and they are reduced to a system of first order ordinary differential equations by the application of finite exponential Fourier Transform, resulting in a two point boundary value problem. The boundary value problem is then reduced to a series of initial value problems, and the multisegment numerical integration technique is used in combination with the frequency trial method in order to extract the natural frequencies and determine the mode shapes within a given range of natural frequencies. Previous studies on geodesic winding is extended such that the effect of semi-geodesic winding which rely on the preset friction between the fiber and the mandrel surface on the stiffness and vibration characteristics of filament wound shells of revolution is investigated. Additionally, finite element analysis is employed to compare the results obtained from semi-analytical model solved by numerical integration and finite element model solved by finite element method. Sample results are obtained for filament wound truncated conical and spherical shells of revolution and the effect of the winding pattern on the vibration characteristics of shells of revolution is investigated thoroughly.

This dissertation is aimed at analyzing the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps&rsquo / (IRGC) relationship to politics, which evolved into different forms through the three decades of the revolution. Eventually the IRGC has become one of the most influential organizations with respect to Iranian politics. This situation has raised the following question / why and how has the IRGC become such an influential political actor in post-revolutionary Iranian politics? Considering different forms of the IRGC-politics relationship, this study also questioned the reasons that lay behind the shifts in that relationship. In order to answer these questions, this dissertation examined the relationship between the Revolutionary Guards and the political leadership in post-revolutionary Iran. It maintained that there are four variables that determined the IRGC-politics relationship, which are ideological position of the political leadership, power of the political leadership, ideological outlook of the Revolutionary Guards and corporateness of the Revolutionary Guards. In order to analyze forms of the IRGC-politics relationship and to explain shifts between these forms, it traced these variables through the post-revolutionary history of Iran, which was divided into four periods (i.e. transition, radical, thermidorian, and neo-radical periods) because of the changing political and revolutionary dynamics. It concluded that because corporateness of the IRGC reached into a high level whereas power of the political leadership was seriously weakened in the last two periods, the IRGC&rsquo / s clout significantly increased in Iranian politics. Congruence or incongruence between ideological values of the political leadership and of the IRGC, and their commitment to pursue those values determined the confrontationist or cooperative nature of the IRGC&rsquo / s relations with the political leadership.

L'émergence puis l'essor rapide du négoce maritime havrais au dernier siècle de l'Ancien Régime apparaît comme un processus original voire unique en France à plus d'un titre. C'est à cet exceptionnel processus d'ouverture au monde qu'est consacrée cette présente thèse. Bien que retirant comme les autres grands ports coloniaux sa prospérité du Système atlantique, le négoce havrais apparaît de loin celui qui s'engage de manière permanente avec les centres successifs de l'Economie-monde. Les phases successives d'expansion, de contraction puis de recomposition des échanges maritimes n'affectent pas sur le long terme l'élévation socio-économique des élites mercantiles locales. <br />Si le facteur humain est bien évidemment déterminant dans le succès ou l'échec d'un comptoir marchand, une stratégie de développement victorieuse dépend aussi d'une structure juridique idoine, des objectifs commerciaux visés, de la vigueur du crédit bancaire et de l'efficacité du réseau d'information et de correspondance mis en œuvre par le négociant et ses associés pour s'imposer durablement dans le Système atlantique. <br />Le négociant consolide soigneusement son élévation socio-économique par la délimitation de ses propres champs culturels, en tissant patiemment de solides réseaux horizontaux de solidarité et de sociabilité. Placé au cœur de l'activité économique havraise, le négoce exerce sur les masses laborieuses un contrôle étroit tout en sachant jouer de la stratégie de groupe pour infléchir les décisions des pouvoirs publics. La recomposition sociale issue du XIXe siècle industriel engage aussi le négociant à construire son mythe.