本文旨在透過對外交檔案的整理及文獻之評析，探討1911年至1912年，以辛亥革命事件為核心，前後期間的中俄兩國關係。1911年十月十日在湖北武昌所爆發的新軍起事，以及其後的一系列局勢變化，最終造成了大清帝國的崩潰，與中華民國的成立，是二十世紀東亞史上的重要事件。俄羅斯帝國與大清帝國及其後的中華民國有著綿長的陸緣國界，兩國的政治、經濟、外交、與軍事互動也對十九世紀中葉後的當代中國有著深遠且持續的影響。研究方式主要利用中國、俄國兩國當時之外交文獻架構兩國關係之經緯，佐證關係第三國，如日本與英國之外交文獻以建立較多面向之觀點。 本文將所欲探討之兩國辛亥革命期間關係問題依照其性質分為幾個面向，其一是依照發生時間、二是依照所涉入之政治實體、最後則是依照兩國利害互動之場域，以簡單整理討論之體系次序。 / This thesis aims to sort through government diplomatic archives and historical literature, to analyze and discuss Sino-Russo relation centering the Hsin-hai Revolution period, from 1911 to 1912. The reformed army uprise that occurred in Wu-Chang, Hu-Pei on October, 10, 1911 and the following series of event it triggered eventually caused the collapse of the Ching dynasty and the establishment of the Republic of China, making it an important event in 20th century East Asia history. Between the Russia Empire and the Ching Empire, along with the Republic of China, share a well extended border on land. The political, economic, diplomatic and military interaction between the two nations also has profound and lasting influence toward the becoming of modern China from the later part of the 19th century forward. The research was mainly done by organizing through diplomatic archives and memoir at the time to outline the framework of the two nations’ relationship, adding in documents from interest related nations such as Japan and the United Kingdoms to construct a more multi dimension perspective. This thesis separates the study of Sino-Russo relation events during the Hsin-Hai revolution period into several different dimensions. The first is the time the event takes place, the second is by the political entity involved in the event, and the third is the area of interest or conflict of the indicated event, to make out a basic order of discussion.

Les six romans du cycle de Caoba retracent sur un mode fictif le déroulement de la Révolution mexicaine et montrent les conséquences de la colonisation de même que les injustices sociales et économiques dont souffre tout particulièrement la population indigène. Dans ce contexte de conflit culturel entre colonisés et colonisateurs, le personnage de l’indigène est perçu de façon variée dans les différents romans. L’analyse de la représentation de la population indigène est donc le sujet principal de ce travail qui combine une étude narratologique et une approche postcoloniale. L’examen détaillé d’extraits de texte permettra de vérifier dans quelle mesure l’auteur germanophone B. Traven, dans sa représentation de l'étranger, se détache d’un discours colonial, et s’il peut être considéré comme un auteur postcolonial avant la lettre. Dans ces analyses, les questions suivantes serviront de fil conducteur : dans quelle mesure la représentation du personnage de l’indigène correspond-elle à celle du «bon sauvage» ? Comment les différents groupes sociaux du Mexique sont-ils représentés – par des individus, des descriptions stéréotypées, des allégories? Quels moyens l’auteur utilise-t-il pour familiariser son lectorat européen/occidental avec cette culture étrangère? Ainsi, le travail se penche sur les procédés narratifs employés par l’auteur pour dépeindre la société à partir de perspectives diverses. Dans le but de dénoncer des conditions d’oppression et d’exploitation, Traven écrit à partir du regard du colonisé. Mais lorsqu'il cherche à comprendre le système dictatorial, il écrit dans la perspective du colonisateur. Cette méthode correspond à celle des regards croisés que le théoricien Edward E. Said décrit dans son ouvrage Orientalisme. L’emploi de cette méthode contrapunctique - permet-il d’exercer une critique (post)coloniale? Dans quelle mesure ce texte révèle-t-il l’importance de l’hybridité de la culture telle qu'elle a été théorisée par K. Bhabha? Dans quelle mesure l'accent est-il mis sur les rapports transculturels, sur la façon dont les cultures s'influencent les unes les autres? / The fictitious retelling of the events of the Mexican Revolution in the six novels of the Caoba cycle shows the consequences of colonialism. It also shows the social and economic injustices under which Mexican indigenous peoples suffered. The distinctive character of the native is well shown in the context of the cultural conflict between the colonizer and the colonized. The examination of the portrayal of the native section of the population is the major aim of the following thesis, which combines a narratological and postcolonial approach. The examination of selected text extracts shows, how and to what extent the German-speaking author is detached from a colonial discourse and if he can be seen as a forerunner of postcolonial discourses. The following central questions guide the analysis: To what extend does the representation of indigenous characters correspond to the one of the "noble savage"? How are the different groups of society portrayed (as individuals, type or allegory)? Which methods does the author employ in order to give the European or Western reader an understanding of the foreign culture? Traven's narrative technique of showing the various societies from different perspectives plays an important role in this respect. In his desire to show societal situations as oppression and exploitation, Traven writes from the perspective of the colonized; but he narrates from the perspective of the colonizer with the intention to understand the dictatorial system. This approach corresponds to the "contrapuntal" method described by Edward E. Said in his work Orientalism. I want to show to which extent the author utilises the "contrapuntal" method in his postcolonial criticism and to which extent it is a real postcolonial criticism. Furthermore, the thesis draws on Homi K. Bhabhas theory of the hybrid contact zones to assess the importance Traven gives to transcultural, viz. reciprocal influences?

This dissertation examines the life and complicated career of Sir James Wright (1716-1785), in an effort to better understand the complex struggle for power in colonial Georgia. Specifically, this project will highlight the contest for autonomy between four groups: Britains and Georgians (core-periphery), lowcountry and backcountry residents, whites and Natives, and Rebels and Loyalists. An English-born grandson of Chief Justice Sir Robert Wright, James Wright was raised in Charleston, South Carolina following his father’s appointment as that colony’s chief justice. The younger Wright attended Gray’s Inn in London and served South Carolina in a variety of capacities, most notably as their attorney general and colonial agent prior to his appointment as governor of Georgia in 1761. Additionally, he had a voracious appetite for land and became colonial Georgia’s largest landowner, accumulating nearly 26,000 acres, worked by no less than 525 slaves. As governor, Wright guided Georgia through a period of intense and steady economic growth and within a decade of his arrival, no one could still claim Georgia to be a “fledgling province” as it had become intricately engaged in a transatlantic mercantilist economy resembling South Carolina and any number of Britain’s Caribbean colonies. Moreover, Governor Wright maintained royal authority in Georgia longer and more effectively than any of his counterparts. Although several factors contributed to his success in delaying the seemingly inexorable revolutionary tide, his patience and keen political mind proved the deciding factor. He was the only of Britain’s thirteen colonies to enforce the Stamp Act of 1765. He also managed to stay a step or two ahead of Georgia’s Sons of Liberty until the spring of 1776. In short, Sir James Wright lived a transatlantic life, taking advantage of every imperial opportunity which presented itself. He earned numerous important government positions and amassed an incredible fortune, totaling over £100,000 sterling. His long imperial career, which delicately balanced dual loyalties to Crown and colony, offers important insights into a number of important historiographic fields.

Disertacijoje siekiama išsiaiškinti, kodėl buvo užmiršta mastymo tradicija, kuri politinius veiksmus valstybėje ir visuomenėje aiškina remdamasi karine perspektyva. Ši mastymo tradicija gali būti „atrasta“ pasitelkus istorinę perspektyvą bei istorikų pasiūlyta Karinės revoliucijos (angl. military revolution) idėja. Darbe apžvelgiama „karingų“ politikos teorijų raida ir priežastys, kodėl jos buvo užmirštos aptarimui. Pasitelkus istoriografinę analizę yra detaliai aptariama Karinės revoliucijos idėjos raida, karo pobūdžio kaita, karinės organizacijos transformacija. Istoriškai valstybės karinėje srityje kopijuodavo dominuojančios, paradigminės valstybės karines (technologines, konceptualines, socialines) praktikas. Todėl darbe yra aptariama JAV kariškių ir civilių santykių bei Amerikos kariuomenės ir policijos institucijų sąveikos būklė, nes manoma, jog būdamos stipriausia karinė galybė pasaulyje JAV anksčiau už kitas Vakarų valstybes patiria pokyčius, aptariamus šioje disertacijoje. / The dissertation seeks to modify, update and bring back the tradition of political theory which based its understanding of political in the state and the society mainly on the perspective of the military dimension. The dissertation argues this forgetfulness creates serious obstacles when trying to understand contemporary military changes and their wider implications. Historical turn of political science is seen as a way to make this update real. Historical notion of Military revolution is seen as specific conceptual “tool” that will make this turn. Using historiographical analysis development of military revolution, changing character of war, transformation of armed forces and development of American civil-military, military and police relations are discussed. American case is analysed because by being the most militarily advanced Western state this country had to felt first the effect of changes in state and society caused by military transformation.

Existing criticism that addresses the concept of Englishness in Elizabeth Gaskell’s writing is sparse and confined to a small part of her oeuvre, and, furthermore, has, in the main, placed Englishness (and England) in Gaskell’s fiction either within a Derridian paradigm of endless signifiers or in the realm of metaphor. I place Gaskell’s Englishness within its socio-historical milieu, and argue that, for Gaskell, England is primarily literal, her green and pleasant land, and that, in her writing, she envisages a slowly evolving and flatter English social system incorporating a wider selection of the English population than was the norm in the mid-nineteenth century. She wrestles with the place of the ‘other’ within English society. Indeed, as a female and as a Unitarian, Gaskell is herself ‘other,’ outside of hegemonic Englishness, and her outsider status had a marked influence on her Englishness. I argue that there are ambiguities in Gaskell’s vision for a more egalitarian Englishness. Her Englishness is couched in middle-class terms, in which, for Gaskell, the entry requirement into the ‘in group’ of Englishness (by, for example, the working classes) is middle-class acculturation, and she presents both the benefits and limitations of her liberal, middle-class perspective. Contemporary topics that inform Gaskell’s fiction include industrial change, economic liberalism, colonial expansion, political reform, and scientific debate, each of which brought issues of nationhood and identity into focus. Gaskell’s primary vehicle for producing Englishness in this historical context was through short stories and novels, although her essays and letters are also significant. I focus on four key areas which provide entry points into her constructions of Englishness: race, empire, imperial trade (especially tea, opium, and cotton), and gender/masculinity.

British radicals established a pro-revolutionary society in Paris in the late months of 1792, at a time when their own government, under William Pitt the Younger, had proscribed all overt support for the French Revolution. The expatriate club was founded at a crossroads in British political and diplomatic culture therefore, and at a vital stage in the course of the French Revolution. Often the victims of judicial pursuit in both Britain and France, the members of the British Club have been deemed "men without countries" by one nineteenth-century commentator. Yet British radical activists in Paris were not simply pawns in a wider diplomatic struggle. In the early French republic, they founded a radical community at White's Hotel, where political agendas intersected with private initiatives. This associational world was part of a broad network of reform stretching across the Channel. It was influenced by a tradition of enquiry and improvement which had developed in Britain during the latter half of the eighteenth century. This tradition led members of the radical community to engage with the Revolution on issues which dominated public debate in France but which also echoed their concern for the overhaul of British political culture. They intervened on the question of the foundation of a new republican constitution at the turn of 1793, providing a range of blueprints which reflected the varied nature of the club's political character. Some also wrote eyewitness observations of the Revolution back to Britain, sketching their impressions for an audience who had, in their view, been misled by a hostile British press.

The purpose of this thesis was to come to a better understanding of the American mind at the time of the Revolution through biography. Through the use of primary and secondary sources, John and Samuel Adams were used as case studies. John represented the faction in favor of a rigid hierarchy and a natural aristocracy. Samuel represented the artisans and farmers who were fighting for democracy and equality in government. The thesis also discussed the differences between the Adams chapter two, the cousins' backgrounds and respective involvement in the Revolution were discussed. Chapter three was a discussion of the similarities between the Adams cousins. In chapter four, the fundamental differences between John and Samuel were discussed, differences that became apparent during the revolution. cousins and the men they represented. Ultimately by 1800, the new nation had left the cousins behind. The thesis concluded that the Adamses made massive contributions to the revolution, reflecting the eighteenth century American mind and contributing to the establishment of our ultimate form of government. / Department of History

This dissertation examines the life and conflicted career of Sir James Wright (1716-1785), in an effort to better understand the complex struggle for power in both colonial Georgia and eighteenth-century British Empire. Specifically, this project will highlight the contest for autonomy between four groups: Britains and Georgians (core-periphery), lowcountry and backcountry residents, whites and Natives, and Rebels and Loyalists. An English-born grandson of Chief Justice Sir Robert Wright, James Wright was raised in Charleston, South Carolina following his father’s appointment as that colony’s chief justice. Young James served South Carolina in a number of capacities, public and ecclesiastical, prior to his admittance to London’s Gray’s Inn in London. Most notably, he was selected as their attorney general and colonial agent prior to his appointment as governor of Georgia in 1761. Wright collected more than public offices in his endless quest for respect and social advancement. He also possessed a voracious appetite for land and became colonial Georgia’s largest landowner, accumulating nearly 26,000 acres, worked by no less than 525 slaves. As governor, he guided Georgia through a period of intense and steady economic and territorial growth. By the time of the American Revolution, Georgia had become fully integrated into the greater transatlantic mercantilist economy, resembling South Carolina and any number of Britain’s Caribbean colonies. Moreover, Governor Wright maintained royal authority in Georgia longer and more effectively than any of his North American counterparts. Although several factors contributed to his success in delaying the seemingly inexorable revolutionary tide, his patience and keen political mind proved the deciding factor. He was the only of Britain’s thirteen colonies to enforce the Stamp Act of 1765 and managed to stay a step or two ahead of Georgia’s Sons of Liberty until the winter of 1775-1776. In short, Sir James Wright lived a transatlantic life, taking advantage of every imperial opportunity afforded him. He earned numerous important government positions and amassed an incredible fortune, totaling over £100,000 sterling. His long imperial career delicately balanced dual loyalties to Crown and colony and offers important and unique insights into a number of important historiographic fields.

This dissertation seeks to explore the wide reaching effects of the ‘Consumer Revolution of the Augustan Period’ (1680-1750) by examining the Hudson’s Bay Company from the perspective of the London metropole. During this period, newly imported and manufactured goods began flooding English markets. For the first time, members of the middling and lower sorts were able to afford those items which had previously been deemed ‘luxuries.’ One of these luxuries was the beaver felt hat, which had previously been restricted to the wealthy aristocracy and gentry because of its great cost. However, because of the HBC’s exports of beaver fur from Rupert’s Land making beaver widely available and therefore, less expensive, those outside of the privileged upper sorts were finally able to enjoy this commodity. Thus, the focus here will be on the furs leaving North America, specifically Hudson’s Bay, between 1670 and 1730, and consider the subsequent consumption of those furs by the British and European markets. This thesis examines English fashion, social, economic, and political history to understand the Hudson’s Bay Company and the Consumer Revolution, and their effects on one another.

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