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This thesis seeks to examine the post-Soviet political transformation in Ukraine between 1991 and 2004. Since Ukraine declared independence in 1991, the problems of political transformation to democracy in Ukraine have affected the outbreak of the Orange Revolution. The thesis attempts to examine the problems of post-Soviet political transformation in Ukraine under Leonid Kravchuk and Leonid Kuchma in order to analyse the dynamics of the Orange Revolution in 2004. The dynamics of the Orange Revolution are in part a result of the mass movements against the ongoing problems of the post-Soviet political transformation to democracy in Ukraine. This thesis also argues that the Orange Revolution does not indicate the conclusion of the political transformation in Ukraine, since the problems of the political transformation in Ukraine still remain as it has been seen in the short-term evolution of the political progress of Viktor Yushchenko, who elected to the presidency in the 2004 presidential elections.

This dissertation is an attempt to portray the revolutionary character of the American Civil War through a comparative methodology utilizing the French Revolution as both point of influence and as a parallel example. Within this novel context, subtle trends in the ideological development of the Republican Party's Radical wing undertake new meaning and an alternative revolutionary heritage takes shape around an idealization of the universalism of the French and Haitian Revolutions of the 1790s. The work argues that through a diffusion of ideas and knowledge of events from the streets of Paris into the fields of Haiti and onto the shores of the American coast, a small faction of militant abolitionists latched onto the ideal of the Haitian Revolution as their own legacy. By the late 1830s, this radical edge of the antislavery movement embarked onto two courses, both derived from and influenced by their newfound ideology. The first was towards violent direct action against slavery while the second aimed at legitimizing radical new legal theories and creating the political structure necessary to bring about their enforcement. While on the one hand John Brown and Gerrit Smith pursued militant action, on the other Alvan Stewart and Salmon P. Chase sought a political and legal redefinition of American society through the Liberty and eventually Republican parties. With the coming of war in the 1860s, these two trends, violence and radical politics, converged in the Union war effort. In the midst of the Civil War and the early fight for Reconstruction, Radical Republicans and their allies in the Union Army displayed themselves as American Jacobins. Through a set of comparisons with French Revolutionary events and political debates, this thesis argues that the result of the ideological development between the American Revolution and the Civil War Era in the United States was the creation of a revolutionary ideology parallel to that of French Jacobinism. By the time of their fall from power, the Radical Republicans had seen their ideals both lambasted as the radical edge of politics and then transformed into the status quo, helping to prepare the nation for modernity.

Zugl.: Berlin, Humboldt-Univ., Diss., 2006

Univ., Diss.--Hannover, 2000.

Thesis (M.A. of Arts)--Miami University, Dept. of Spanish and Portuguese, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 34-36).

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:53Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2012-08-08Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:30:49Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 gomes_lr_me_assis.pdf: 3441269 bytes, checksum: dc59136f080d769ecdc817cba58d1648 (MD5) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / No começo do século XX, a Revolução Russa abalou o mundo com as dimensões de suas experiências e a radicalidade de suas propostas. Por pressão das camadas populares russas insatisfeitas com as mazelas da primeira guerra mundial, o czarismo foi derrubado e em seguida o governo provisório, desencadeando uma revolução de forte caráter operário e camponês. Os sovietes (conselhos populares) espalharam-se por todo o território de um país de dimensões continentais (constituindo-se de início, uma grande experiência libertária). Com isso, a Rússia Soviética tornou-se uma referência para todos os movimentos revolucionários e socialistas ao redor do mundo, e o movimento operário brasileiro (que na época era predominantemente de tendência anarquista) não ficou imune aos impactos desse evento. Este trabalho é o resultado de uma pesquisa que analisa o entendimento e a compreensão que os militantes anarquistas brasileiros tiveram a respeito da revolução na Rússia, por meio de sua imprensa. Para tanto, utilizamos como fontes documentais os jornais A Plebe, A Vanguarda, A Obra, O Libertario, A Semana Social, A Luta, Cronica Subversiva, O Debate, O Cosmopolita, Spártacus, Voz do Povo e o Boletim da Aliança Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro. As formas como os anarquistas enxergaram e representaram este acontecimento em seus periódicos, nos revelam, e nos possibilitam investigar e compreender, os conflitos e mudanças internas no movimento operário brasileiro do período. Movimento operário este que ficou dividido entre “libertários e bolcheviques”, devido o caráter autoritário do regime russo, que não contemplava as expectativas do anarquismo, apesar dos elementos libertários da experiência revolucionária ocorrida na Rússia / In the early twentieth century the Russian Revolution shook the world with the dimensions of its experiences and the radicalism of its proposals. Under pressure from Russian grassroots popular classes dissatisfied with the ills of the First World War, the Tsarist regime and then the interim government were overthrown, sparking a revolution of strong proletarian and peasantry character. The Soviets (popular councils) have spread throughout the territory of a country of continental dimensions (constituting at the beginning, a great libertarian experience). Thus, Soviet Russia became a reference for all socialist and revolutionary movements around the world, and the Brazilian labor movement (which at that time was predominantly anarchist) was not immune to the impacts of this event. This work is part of a study that analyzes the understanding and the perception that the Brazilian anarchist militants had about the revolution in Russia, by the reading of their press. We used as documentary sources the following anarchist press: A Plebe, A Vanguarda, A Obra, O Libertario, A Semana Social, A Luta, Cronica Subversiva, O Debate, O Cosmopolita, Spártacus, Voz do Povo and the Boletim da Aliança Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro. The ways in which anarchists saw and represented this event in their journals reveal and enables us to investigate and understand the conflicts and changes within the Brazilian labor movement of the period which was split between libertarians and Bolsheviks, because the authoritarian character of the Russian regime which did not include the expectations of anarchism, despite its revolutionary elements

Le recours fréquent aux serments pendant la décennie révolutionnaire a déjà attiré l’attention de nombre d’historiens. Le serment civique a été surtout considéré en tant qu’acte significatif autour duquel semble s’être joué la légitimité révolutionnaire. Effectivement, du serment du roi et des députés de février 1790, à celui des prêtres adhérents à la Constitution civile du clergé, ou encore à celui que la troupe doit prêter après la fuite du roi, des formules constitutionnelles de 1791 et 1792 à celles de haine à la royauté de l’âge du Directoire, jusqu’aux variations apportées par Napoléon, le serment est un élément fondamental de la grammaire politique révolutionnaire. Mon projet de recherche se propose de considérer le serment dans une perspective plus vaste, en comparant la situation française aux expériences des Républiques Sœurs, en élargissant mon propos jusqu’à l’âge de la Restauration pour révéler l’importance du serment dans la culture politique contemporaine. / This thesis aims to study the characteristics of political trust and loyalty during the eighteenth century and the French Revolution. These characteristics are essential to understand the revolutionary culture, as they involve one of the most divisive issues of that time : civic oath. My thesis is aimed to clarify how the experience of oaths shaped the relationship between citizens and power during the revolutionary decade (1789-1799) in France and in Italy, and how this relationship is empowered by narratives taken from religion, the culture of honor, and ideology. From a wider, transnational viewpoint, my primary goal was to provide a deeper look into this key topic of the historiography of French Revolution.

L’art contemporain en Tunisie est resté à la marge de l’art contemporain. Quelles sont les raisons qui ont empêché sa reconnaissance ? Voulant rompre avec toutes les représentations dites coloniales et orientalistes, les artistes de la jeune génération qui viennent après l’indépendance, cherchent à s’ouvrir sur l’international et à se moderniser tout en préservant leurs identités et leurs appartenances. Ils se sont retournés vers le patrimoine et la calligraphie pour ainsi « tunisifier » leurs peintures abstraites. L’art abstrait, au départ était une aventure libératrice. Plus tard, avec une critique presque absente, peu curieuse ou censurée, voire corrompue, une commission nationale d’achat qui sélectionne arbitrairement les œuvres et les artistes, les artistes tunisiens ont pu se réfugier dans l’art abstrait pour fuir la réalité. Sinon pour profiter du consentement de la commission d’achat. A force de répéter et de se répéter ils sont tombés dans le suivisme et l’anarchisme qui ont engendré une médiocrité de style et une stagnation picturale. Pendant que les uns tombent dans une léthargie sans fin, d’autres vont chercher à communiquer implicitement leur désarroi et leur malaise. Les enjeux sociaux ont fait que ces artistes restent à la marge d’une reconnaissance artistique nationale. À l’échelle international, il y a deux ou trois décennies il était inimaginable de porter un regard autre qu’ethnographique sur la production artistique non occidental et plus tard quand les frontières ont été aboulies, ceux qui passent à la visibilité le font à travers des règles imposés de l’extérieur. Les artistes ont été soulagés par la Révolution et ont rompu le mur du silence, de la crainte, de l’interdit et de la peur. Mais la libération de l’art qui correspond au devenir démocratique pourrait aussi s’accompagner du retour à une censure symbolique d’une nature moins démocratique. C’est sans doute le défi de l’art tunisien d’aujourd’hui. Cette thèse d’histoire de l’art aborde le sujet avec les méthodes de l’historien et le regard du critique. / Contemporary art in Tunisia was seen at the margin of contemporary art. What are the reasons that hide its recognition? In order to break with all the colonial and Orientalist representations, the artists of the youth generation who come after the independence, tried to be known all over the world and stick into modernity while preserving their identities and affiliations. They turned, as a result, to the patrimony and calligraphy in order to « tunisify » their abstract paintings. At the beginning, the Abstract art was defined as a liberating adventure. Later on the absence of critique which was not curious, or even corrupted, the commission of purchase selects arbitrarily the works and artists; Tunisian artists have taken refuge in abstract art to bury its reality, or to get the consent of the buying commission. By dint of repeating and re-repeating they fell into the conformism and anarchism which generate a mediocrity of style and pictorial stagnation. While some fall into lethargy endless lethargy, others will attempt to communicate implicitly their distress and discomfort. Besides, artists remain at the margin of a national artistic recognition due to many social issues. On the international scale, two or three decades ago, it was unimaginable to look back on non-occidental artistic production with ethnographic point of view and later when the borders were abolished, those who moved to the visibility did it with rules imposed from the outside. Artists was relieved by the revolution, after breaking the wall of silence, of fear, of the forbidden. But the liberation of art as the fate of democracy could also be accompanied by a back to the symbolic censorship of a narrow democratic landscape. It is probably the challenge of Tunisian art today. This thesis discusses, then, the topic of art history through historian’s approaches and critics view.

Os Comités de Defensa de la Revolución (CDR) cumpriram um papel fundamental no processo de transição socialista iniciado em Cuba a partir de 1959. A Revolução, através deles, pode contar com o apoio das massas cubanas para enfrentar as muitas tarefas que se colocavam como desafios para a construção do socialismo no país. Construção que teria sido ainda mais difícil, não fossem os muitos cederistas em todo o país. Seu nascimento surge como resposta ao violento ataque contrarrevolucionário desencadeado com a ajuda do imperialismo estadunidense, mas rapidamente sofre uma profunda transformação. Os CDR, de forma bastante orgânica, passam a assumir as tarefas organizativas da vida cubana, fazendo com que a população atuasse em atividades que eram, até aquele momento, competência exclusiva do Estado. Com isso, os comités contribuem para a transformação do próprio caráter do Estado, tarefa essencial da transição socialista. O fato de que esta fosse uma sociedade de capitalismo dependente aumenta a dramaticidade da tarefa. Além disso, os CDR foram um importante canal para a participação política das massas cubanas, em um contexto em que as instituições políticas ainda não estavam suficientemente estabelecidas no país (período entre 1960 e 1975). Nesse sentido, agiram de forma dialética na contradição entre massas e vanguarda revolucionária, tensionando o processo em um sentido de maior democratização. / The Comités de Defensa de la Revolución (CDR) played a key role in the process of socialist transition initiated in Cuba in 1959. The Revolution, through them, can count on the support of the Cuban masses to face the many tasks that challenge for the construction of socialism in the country. Construction would have been even more difficult, if it were not for the many cederistas across the country. His birth comes as a response to the violent counterrevolutionary attack unleashed with the aid of US imperialism, but quickly undergoes a profound transformation. The CDR, in a very organic way, began to assume the organizational tasks of Cuban life, making the population work in activities that until then were the exclusive competence of the State itself. With this, the comités contribute to the transformation of the character of the State, an essential task of the socialist transition. The fact that it was a society of dependent capitalism increases the drama of the task. In addition, the CDR were an important channel for the political participation of the Cuban masses, in a context where political institutions were not sufficiently established in the country yet (between 1960 and 1975). In this sense, they acted dialectically in the contradiction between the masses and the revolutionary vanguard, stressing the process in a sense of greater democratization.