This study challenges the long-standing thesis that by the failure to repeal or greatly reduce the war tariffs, the government and the Republican party embarked on a deliberate policy of aiding business.

Although this study reveals the positions that the opposition parties took regarding unemployment, it is primarily concerned with unemployment as an internal political problem of the British Labour party.

This study will focus on the role of George Perkins in the development and decline of the Progressive Party. Theodore Roosevelt is often at the center of this story for the Bull Moose and the Progressives were closely intertwined. Ultimately, the inconsistencies of the master-politician Roosevelt and the detrimental influence of Perkins contributed to the downfall of the Progressive Party of 1912.

This study offers a case study of women’s political participation and representation in pro-Kurdish politics in Turkey since 1990s. Kurdish women have been double oppressed in Turkey due to both their ethnic identity and gender identity. They have been mobilized by the Kurdish national movement for the Kurdish national cause and joined both Kurdish armed and political struggles from the early 1990s. From the foundation of the first pro-Kurdish political party, the People’s Labour Party [Halkın Emek Partisi- HEP] in 1990, Kurdish women have actively been involved in pro- Kurdish party politics. However, the pro-Kurdish party failed in promoting egalitarian gender values, policies and supporting women’s inclusion in decision-making until the end of 1990s except the election of the first Kurdish woman deputy, Leyla Zana in 1991. Women’s participation and representation in pro-Kurdish party politics have significantly advanced numerically since 1990s. In contrast to the general picture of women’s underrepresentation in Turkey’s politics, the proportion of Kurdish women representatives has been increasing in representation bodies. Therefore, this research aims to examine the Kurdish case through conducting an intensive field research in order to explain the reasons and factors behind these developments. This research is an empirical case study, primarily based on qualitative analysis of face-to-face in-depth semi-structured interviews of female political activists and participant observations held during field research. On the basis of empirical data gathered from field research and an analysis of pro-Kurdish party characteristics, its gender policies and female political activists’ roles in representation bodies, this study argues that the pro-Kurdish politics has gradually been feminizing which refers to an increase in women’s both descriptive and substantive representation since the beginning of 2000s. The changes and developments in terms of women’s representation in pro-Kurdish politics are framed as a process of feminization; which can simply be defined as a process for women to be included in political decision-making both in numbers and ideas for representing women’s interests. In this regard, this thesis searches for answers for two essential questions: how has the pro-Kurdish party politics been feminized and what difference has been made in pro-Kurdish politics since women are increasingly taking part in decision-making processes. Thus, this study assesses whether descriptive representation links to women's substantive representation in pro-Kurdish politics. The examination of Kurdish women’s representation based on the feminizing politics approach does not only theoretically contribute to broaden the scope of feminizing politics but it also broadens the scope of the concepts of descriptive and substantive representation included in this approach. In this respect, this thesis will demonstrate that the analysis of the Kurdish women case in the context of feminizing politics presents several insights about the women‘s political representation and put forth how political parties and actors strategically interact in changing women‘s political representation.

This study provides a detailed, empirically based examination of the institutional dynamics of the new parties and political groupings that have emerged Poland, the largest country of the former Soviet bloc, since the collapse of communist rule in 1989. It draws upon and utilises the models developed in the contemporary West European party literature as an analytical framework with which to examine the main parties from a structural and organisational perspective and considers how they approximate to these taxonomical ideals. It examines the six main parties and political groupings around which the Polish party system appeared to be consolidating in the run up to the 1997 parliamentary elections. The study considers: the internal distribution of power and modes of representation with the parties; the role of the party bureaucracy; the relationship between the parties and their electorates; the development of parties as membership organisations; and the relationship between parties and the state. It concludes that the new Polish parties are strong at the level of state institutions and appear capable of fulfilling their role in terms of structuring elections, institutions and recruiting elites. However, they are also likely to develop as remote and somewhat distant institutions that are weak at the societal level. Given that the nature of the links between parties and their electorates are likely to remain fairly shallow, the new parties are likely to prove less successful at aggregating societal interests and relatively ineffective in mobilising the citizenry and integrating them into the political process. The study, therefore, draws broader conclusions about the process of party development in post-communist Eastern Europe at the same time as augmenting the relatively undeveloped literature on internal party dynamics.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University. / The first decade of Lincoln's political life centered around questions of economics, and his interst in these matters remained strong throughout the entire period under consideration. Although Lincoln was not an original thinker in the field of political economy, he did develop firm opinions based on his conception of the American dream of a mobile society, and on the whole, reflecting the views of Henry Clay and the Whig party. He read some of the economists of his time, Francis Wayland and Henry C. Carey for example, but his knowledge of economic theory came mostly second hand from the Congressional Globe, Horace Greeley's Whig Almanac, and the news papers such as the National Intelligencer or the New York Tribune. The western lawyer was not interested in what appeared to him to be abstract theories, but he made a successful effort to master the major economic questions of ante-bellum America. [TRUNCATED]

Thesis advisor: Cynthia L. Lyerly / This dissertation explores the ultraconservative Republican and moderate conservative Republican movements in Dallas, Texas between 1952 and 1964, an essential period in which the GOP abandoned its longstanding identification as the party of President Lincoln and Reconstruction and adopted the Southern Strategy. While the first generation of scholars of American conservatism recognized the influence of ultraconservatives who embraced conspiracy theory, absolutist thinking, and apocalyptic rhetoric, the most recent scholarship has tended to downplay the impact of this ultraconservative worldview and stress moderate conservatives' upward mobility and mainstream and modern values. Through the lens of the Republican Party in Dallas, Texas--an epicenter of American conservative Republicanism in the 1950s and 1960s--this dissertation argues that while moderate conservative Republicans were important, ultraconservatives Republicans were more essential to the conservative Republican ascendancy. The dissertation shows that ultraconservative Republicans standing on the "fringe" of mainstream conservatism served not only to push many Republicans to embrace right-wing ideas, but mainstreamed and legitimated the moderate conservative Republicans in the 1950s and 1960s. In showing that ultraconservatives mattered more than historians previously thought, the dissertation suggests that the most recent scholarship has overcompensated for the first generation of historians, who tended to pathologize the Right and dismiss its staying power. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2013. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

This thesis examines a little studied aspect of the Soviet Union’s history, namely the activities of the mass membership of the Communist Party during the interwar period, specifically 1926-1941. Based on extensive research in central and regional party archives, it revisits a number of specialised scholarly debates by offering an account of key processes and events of the period, including rapid industrialisation and mass repression, from the viewpoint of rank-and-file communists, the group of people who had chosen to profess active support for the regime without however acquiring positions of political power. The account provided is in the form of an in-depth case study of the party organisation of the Red Putilov – later Kirov – machine-building plant in the city of Leningrad, followed by a shorter study of communist activism in another major Leningrad institution, the Red-Banner Baltic Fleet. It is shown that all major political initiatives of the leadership generated intense political activity at the bottom levels of the party hierarchy, as the thousands of rank-and-file members interpreted and acted on central directives in ways that were consistently in line with their and their colleagues’ interests. As these interests were hardly ever in harmony with those of the corresponding level of the administrative state apparatus, the result was a nearly permanent state of tension between the executive and political branches of the Soviet party-state at the grassroots level. The main argument offered is that ultimately, the rank-and-file organisations of the communist party were an extremely important but contradictory element of the Soviet Union’s political system, being a reliable constituency of grassroots support for the regime while at the same time placing significant limits on the ability of state organs to actually implement policy. This thesis therefore challenges interpretations of Soviet state-society relations based on binary narratives of repression from above and resistance from below. It identifies instead an element of the Soviet system where the line between society and the state became blurred, and grassroots agency became possible on the basis of a minimum level of active support for the regime. It is further argued that the ability of the mass membership to influence the outcome of leadership initiatives was predicated on the Marxist-Leninist ideological underpinnings of most major policies. In this way, this thesis also contributes to the recent literature on the role of ideology in the Soviet system. The concluding chapter considers the value of the overall findings of this thesis for the comparative study of 20th century socialist states.

Com a presente tese de doutoramento procurou-se sustentar que o ingresso voluntário do terceiro nas hipóteses hoje tratadas pela doutrina como sendo de assistência litisconsorcial revela, na realidade, a intervenção de um verdadeiro litisconsorte, o qual, com a sua admissão no processo em curso, assume a qualidade de parte para todos os fins. Para demonstração da tese proposta, iniciou-se com um exame histórico do instituto, por meio do qual foi possível localizar suas raízes mais remotas no direito italiano medieval até ser positivado pelo §69 da ZPO alemã em 1877. Esse mesmo estudo histórico foi realizado em face do ordenamento brasileiro, apresentando-se a evolução do instituto nos sucessivos diplomas legais, culminando com o artigo 54 do atual Código de Processo Civil (Capítulo 2). Na sequência, foram examinadas as figuras de intervenção de terceiros naqueles ordenamentos estrangeiros considerados mais relevantes para o estudo da assistência litisconsorcial no Brasil (Capítulo 3). Prosseguiu-se com a análise do tratamento conferido ao instituto pela doutrina brasileira contemporânea, objetivando elencar as principais características que são costumeiramente atribuídas à (assim conhecida) modalidade qualificada da assistência (Capítulo 4). Esse estudo, contudo, não ficaria completo sem o exame de uma figura já tratada há algum tempo por alguns doutrinadores, mas ainda objeto de polêmica, denominada de intervenção litisconsorcial voluntária (Capítulo 5). O capítulo final foi dedicado a demonstrar que, nas hipóteses hoje configuradoras da assistência litisconsorcial, a própria situação jurídica do terceiro é objeto do processo pendente. Assim, quando esse terceiro voluntariamente intervém nessas situações, ele o faz como efetivo litisconsorte, assumindo os pedidos formulados pela parte originária à qual adere e devendo ser destinatário direto do comando advindo da decisão de mérito proferida no processo. Ademais, sua verdadeira natureza jurídica reclama uma nova sistematização do instituto, que deve ser tratado não como espécie do gênero assistência, mas no capítulo destinado ao litisconsórcio, como modalidade de intervenção litisconsorcial voluntária (Capítulo 6). / This doctorate thesis aims at arguing that the voluntary entry of a third person into a lawsuit in the cases currently considered by Brazilian legal doctrine as a third-party joinder intervention (assistência litisconsorcial) actually reveals the joinder of a true party to the lawsuit, which, after being admitted into the ongoing lawsuit, is therefore deemed as a party to it for all purposes. Initially, in order to demonstrate the proposed thesis, a historical analysis of the legal doctrine on third-party intervention was completed. This led to the roots of which the doctrine originally stemmed, from the most remote medieval Italian law until being inserted in §69 of the ZPO in 1877. This same historical study was done regarding Brazilian law, presenting the legal doctrines evolution in the successive enactments that culminated in Article 54 of the current Brazilian Civil Procedure Code (Chapter 2). Thereafter, the voluntary entry of a third person into a lawsuit in foreign jurisdictions considered most relevant to the study of third-party joinder intervention (assistência litisconsorcial) in Brazil was analyzed (Chapter 3). Subsequently, the opinion of contemporary Brazilian scholars on third-party joinder intervention (assistência litisconsorcial) was analyzed, aiming at listing the main characteristics usually attributed to such a qualified sort of intervention (Chapter 4). This study, however, would not be complete without also analyzing a recognized category of intervention for long debated by Brazilian scholars, but still subject to some controversies known as voluntary party joinder (intervenção litisconsorcial voluntária) (Chapter 5). The final chapter aims at demonstrating that, given the current elements of the third-party joinder intervention doctrine (assistência litisconsorcial); the actual legal situation of the third person to a lawsuit is the object of the pending process. Therefore, when a third person voluntarily enters a lawsuit, it does so as a genuine party to the lawsuit, accepting what is sought by the original party and joining its claims, thus being entirely subject to the effects arising from the decision on the merits. Moreover, its true legal nature demands a new organization of the legal doctrine within the Brazilian law, which should be treated, not as a species of the genre intervention, but rather a genuine party joinder, as voluntary party joinder (intervenção litisconsorcial voluntária) (Chapter 6).

This paper aims to analyze the potential future of the 4PL concept based on expert opinions with special regard to the influence of digitalization coming with a disruptive trans-formation of supply chains. Service arrangements, provider capabilities and benefits resulting from a 4PL partnership are compared in current and future configurations. The research follows an explorative mixed methods approach with semi structured interviews followed by an expert panel. This builds a basis for an online survey questionnaire to inquire on important future aspects for the 4PL concept by a sample of respondents from multinational companies. Our results show a clear trend away from simply organizing transportation and logistics activities towards the provision of an IT platform as well as further value-added service activities such as planning, analytics and monitoring. Along with this, IT capabilities appear to be an important differentiator for 4PL providers in the future. Moreover, relationships between 4PL providers and their clients become closer and more strategic, which leads to a customer valuing not only direct cost reductions but rather improvements resulting from optimized operations through superior analysis and planning functions.