Démétrios de Phalère est un des exemples les plus remarquables dans l’Antiquité d’homme d’Etat-philosophe. Névers 355 au Phalère, l’ancien port d’Athènes, Démétrios, fils de Phanostratos, devint, grâce à sa formation au Lycée,un des meilleurs orateurs et philosophes de son temps et rédigea de très nombreux ouvrages : des traités philosophiques, des biographies historiques, un recueil des fables d’Esope, des traités sur la poésie homérique. Il entra en politique, en 324, à l’époque de l’affaire d’Harpale et en 322, il participa par la suite au règlement diplomatique de la guerre lamiaque et participa au gouvernement de Phocion instauré par Antipater. En 317/6, il fut nommé par Cassandre à la tête de la cité athénienne qu’il gouverna jusqu’en 307/6. Le régime démocratique fut peu modifié à l’exception de l’instauration d’un cens. Il tenta d’appliquer la politique aristotélicienne du « juste milieu »et renforça la centralisation. Bénéficiant d’un climat de prospérité et de paix, plusieurs réformes furent engagées :instauration de nom ophylakès ou « gardiens de la loi », de lois somptuaires et de gynéconomes, organisation d’un recensement de la population, création des homéristes au théâtre, mise en valeur des fêtes religieuses en particulier de celles en l’honneur de Dionysos. Au printemps 307, l'attaque de Démétrios Poliorcète mit un terme au gouvernement de Démétrios de Phalère : il dut s’enfuir à Thèbes où il resta pendant dix ans. Son arrivée à Alexandrie d’Egypte, en 297/6, marqua l’apogée de sa carrière. Premier conseiller de Ptolémée Ier, il participa à l’organisation du culte de Sérapis, et surtout, intervint directement dans la mise en place de la Bibliothèque du Musée d’Alexandrie et dans la traduction de la Loi juive, la Bible des Septante. Sa mort, causée par la morsure d’un aspic, se situe vraisemblablement vers 281/0, au début du règne de Ptolémée II. A une époque de transition entre les époques classique et hellénistique, toutes ses actions s’inscrivent dans un parcours de recherche philosophique voire même ésotérique. / Demetrius of Phalereus is one of the most remarkable examples of a Statesman-Philosopher in Antiquity. Bornca 355 BCE in Phalerum, the former port of Athens, Thanks to his training in the Lyceum, Demetrius, the son ofPhanostratos, became one of the best orators and philosophers of his time. He wrote many works: philosophicaltreatises, historical biographies, a collection of Aesop’s fables and treatises on Homeric poetry. He entered politics in324 at the time of the Harpalus affair and, in 322, subsequently participated in the diplomatic settlement of theLamian War and took part in the government of Phocion set up by Antipater. In 317/6, Cassander put him at the headof the Athenian city, which he governed until 307/6. The democratic regime underwent little change except for theinstitution of a census. He tried to enforce the Aristotelian policy of the “golden mean” and reinforced centralisation.Benefiting from a climate of prosperity and peace, he undertook several reforms, instituting the nomophylakes(“guardians of the law”), sumptuary laws and gynaeconomi, organising a population census, creating Homeristictheatrical performances and emphasising religious festivals, especially those in honour of Dionysos. In the spring of307/6, Demetrius Poliorcetes’ capture of Athens put en end to the government of Demetrius Phalereus who fled toThebes for ten years. His stay in Alexandria in Egypt starting in 297/6 marked the peak of his career. The firstcouncillor to Ptolemy I, he participated in organising the cult of Serapis, and especially, intervened directly in settingup the Mouseion or Library of Alexandria and in the translation of Jewish Law, the Septuagint. His death, probablyca 281/0 BCE, early in the reign of Ptolemy II, is said to have been caused by the bite of an aspic. At a time oftransition between the Classical and Hellenistic periods, all his actions were part of a quest for philosophical, evenesoteric, knowledge.

Este trabalho investiga o lugar da téchne no mundo antigo por meio dos instrumentos musicais, enquanto artefatos físicos e modelos matemáticos, geométricos e mecânicos. A escassez de informações sobre as técnicas de construção dos instrumentos leva a examinar outras atividades artesanais, especialmente aquelas ligadas à carpintaria e ao trabalho com metais. O exame da natureza do poder encantatório da música e sua relação com os instrumentos será realizado por meio da abordagem de figuras como as musas e os daimónes, e também da organização concebida pelos filósofos no período clássico. Apesar do lugar de inferioridade que importantes pensadores conferiram aos artesãos, evidências mostram que a téchne dos artífices marcou profundamente o pensamento grego. No que diz respeito à música, o papel do luthier foi fundamental na medida em que proporcionou o substrato material para desenvolvimentos na linguagem musical. Além dos artefatos, os modelos matemáticos, geométricos e mecânicos da música também nasceram nas oficinas. Ao serem dominados pelos músicos, tais rtefatos e modelos serão igualmente responsáveis por grandes transformações musicais. / This work investigates the Greek notion of téchne in the ancient world through its musical instruments, in the form of physical artifacts and mathematical, geometrical and mechanical models. Because of the lack of information about ancient lutherie, it examines other forms of craftsmanship, like carpentry and metallurgy. The inquire into the nature of the musical powers of music, and its relation to musical instruments, will be done by the examination of characters like muses and daimónes, and also of the organization models of the classical philosophers. Despite the inferior place that great philosophers give to the technicians, this study sustains that they had deeply influenced the Greek thought. Regarding music, its possible to say that the luthiers role was fundamental because the material foundation conducted developments in the musical language. Besides the artifacts, the mathematical, geometrical and mechanical musical models were born in the workshops. Artifacts and models, mastered by the musicians, will be equally responsible for the musical developments.

The thesis has two aims. The first is to show that a more charitable approach to Manilius, such as Lucretian scholarship has exhibited in recent decades, yields a wealth of exciting discoveries that earlier scholarship has not thought to look for. The thesis' contributions to this project centre on three aspects of the poem: (I) the sophistication of its didactic techniques, which draw and build on various predecessors in the tradition of didactic poetry; (II) its cosmological, physical and theological basis, which has no exact parallel elsewhere in either astrology or natural philosophy, and despite clear debts to various traditions, is demonstrably the invention of our poet; (III) the extent to which rationales and physical bases are offered for points of astrological theory – something unparalleled in other astrological texts until Ptolemy. The second, related aim of the thesis is to offer a more satisfying interpretation of the poem as a whole than those that have hitherto been put forward. Again the cue comes from Lucretius: though the DRN is at first sight primarily an exposition of Epicurean physics, it becomes clear that its principal concern is ethical, steering its reader away from superstition, the fear of death and other damaging thought-patterns. Likewise, the Astronomica makes the best sense when its principal message is taken to be not the set of astrological statements that make up its bulk, but the poem’s peculiar world- view, for which those statements serve as an evidential basis. It is, on this reading, just as much a poem ‘on the nature of the universe', which provides the title of my thesis. At the same time, however, it finds new truth in the conventional assumption that Manilius is first and foremost an advocate of astrology: it reveals his efforts to defend astrology at all costs, uncovers strategies for making the reader more amenable to further astrological study and practice, and contends that someone with Manilius' set of beliefs must first have been a devotee of astrology before embracing a natural- philosophical perspective such as his. The thesis is divided into prolegomena and commentaries, which pursue the aims presented above in two different but complementary ways. The prolegomena comprise five chapters, outlined below: Chapter 1 presents a comprehensive survey of the evidence for the cosmology, physics and theology of the Astronomica, and discovers that a coherent and carefully thought-out world-view underlies the poem. It suggests that this Stoicising world- view is drawn exclusively from a few philosophical works of Cicero, but is nonetheless the product of careful synthesis. Chapter 2 explores the relationship between this world-view and earlier Academic criticism of astrology and concludes that the former has been developed as a direct response to these criticisms, specifically as set out in Cicero’s De divinatione. Chapter 3 examines the later impact of Manilius’ astrological world-view, as far as it can be detected, assessing the evidence for the early reception of his poem and its role in the history of philosophical astrology. The overwhelming impression is that the work was received as a serious contribution to debate over the physical and theological underpinnings of astrology; its world-view was absorbed into the mainstream of astrological theory and directly targeted in the next wave of Academic criticism of astrology. Chapter 4 looks at the more subtle strategies of persuasion that are at work in the Astronomica. It observes, first, a number of structural devices and word- patternings that set up the poem as a model of the universe it describes. This first part of the chapter concludes by asking what didactic and/or philosophical purpose such modelling could serve. The second part examines how, by a gradual process of habituation-through-metaphor, the reader is made familiar with the conventional astrological way of thinking about the world, which might otherwise have struck him as a baffling mass of contradictions. The third part looks at the use of certain rhetorical figures, particularly paradox, to re-emphasise important physical claims and assist the process of habituation. Chapter 5 takes on the task of making sense of the Astronomica as a whole, seeking out an underlying rationale behind the choice and ordering of material, accounting as well as is possible for its apparently premature end, and asking why, if it is a serious piece of natural-philosophical teaching, it so often appears to be self- undermining. A short epilogue asks what path can have led Manilius to embark on such a work as the Astronomica. It offers a sketch of the author as an adherent (but not a practitioner) of astrology, who had developed a philosophical system first as scaffolding for an art under threat, but had then come to see more importance in that philosophical underpinning than in the activities of prediction. The lemmatised commentaries that follow cover several passages from the first book of the Astronomica. As crucial as the remaining four books are to his natural-philosophical teaching, it is in this part of the poem that Manilius concentrates the direct expositions of his world-view. Like the chapters, the commentaries' two concerns are the nature and the exposition of the work's world-view. Each of the commentaries has its own focus, but all make full use of the format to tease out the poet's teaching strategies and watch his techniques operate 'in real time' over protracted stretches of text. Finally, an appendix presents the case for the Astronomica as the earliest evidence for the use of plane-image star maps. At two points in his tour of the night sky Manilius describes the positions of constellations in a way that suggests that he is consulting a stereographic projection of each hemisphere, and that he is assuming his reader has one to hand, too. This observation casts valuable new light on the development of celestial cartography.