This thesis examines the years bracketing the summer of 1876, when Renoir was a resident on the Butte Montmartre and executed the Bal du Moulin de la Galette . The social and historical resonances of Renoir's work during this period are investigated, including his engagement with themes prevalent in French popular lithography and vaudeville theatre. While Bal du Moulin de la Galette is an ubiquitous image of the Impressionist movement, it is little studied as a site of potential symbolic meaning, especially following the period of the Franco-Prussian war and the Commune between 1870-71. Through archival research and a reevaluation of secondary sources a clear relationship is established between Renoir, Republican politics and French literature, particularly the Parnassian movement in poetry. / Cette thèse examine les années avant et après de l’été de 1876, quand Renoir habitait sur la Butte Montmartre et a exécuté le Bal du Moulin de la Galette. Ces années dans la carrière de Renoir sont choisi à examiner plus profondément des résonances historiques et sociales de cette oeuvre, y compris l’engagement de Renoir avec les thèmes de la lithographie populaire et les vaudevilles. Tandis que le Bal du Moulin de la Galette est très bien connu dans la contexte de l’impressionnisme, le tableau lui-même est peu étudié comme document de son époque dans la période suivante la Guerre et la Commune entre 1870-71. Au moyen de l’étude des sources archivales et secondaires, un rapport est établi entre Renoir, la politique Républicaine et la littérature fran;aise, particulièrement avec le mouvement parnassien en poésie.

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Orientador: Jesus José Ranieri / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-25T13:09:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Almeida_JaneBarros_D.pdf: 5705010 bytes, checksum: af659b08f920224fab05b5d198719227 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Esta tese realizou uma análise, a partir da relação entre educação e luta de classes, tendo como objeto de estudos a experiência da Educação na Comuna de Paris de 1871. Esta curta experiência foi capaz de revelar a contribuição da educação no processo de construção de uma consciência de classe dos trabalhadores, mediante os debates e disputas políticas em prol de melhores condições de vida e direitos, travados no período anterior à Comuna, a antessala, quando a educação assumiu papel central ao canalizar os elementos de descontentamento e denúncia do projeto aplicado pelo Império de Napoleão III, ao mesmo tempo em que revelou elementos de um novo projeto de sociedade. A experiência da educação na Comuna de Paris foi capaz de apontar rupturas com o projeto de educação republicano, no sentido de indicar elementos para uma educação verdadeiramente democrática, emancipadora, omnilateral, laica, integral, crítica e reflexiva, para ambos os sexos. Assim como resignificou a ideia de público através da educação, desvinculando-o da lógica atribuída pelo particularismo burguês. A educação pública e popular criticou o papel do Estado, delegando aos trabalhadores organizados a tarefa de direção e formulação do novo projeto educacional. Avanços capazes de revelar a importância da educação no interior da luta dos trabalhadores, na construção de um novo projeto societal / Abstract: This thesis conducted an analysis, starting from the relationship between education and class struggle, using as the object of study the experience of education at Paris Commune in 1871. This short experience was able to reveal the contribution of education in building a class consciousness of workers through the debates and political disputes in favor of better living conditions and rights, conducted in the period that preceded the Commune, the precursor, when education assumed a central role, channeling the elements of discontent and denunciation of the project implemented by the Empire of Napoleon III, at the same time that it revealed elements of a new project of society. The experience of education at Paris Commune was able to indicate breaks with the republican educational project, in order to suggest elements for a truly democratic, emancipator, comprehensive, secular, critical and reflective education, for both sexes. It also redefined the idea of public, through education, separating it from the logic given by bourgeois particularism. The public and popular education criticized the role of the state, delegating to the organized workers the task of leadership and formulation of the new educational project. Advances able to reveal the importance of education within the struggle of workers in the construction of a new societal project / Doutorado / Sociologia / Doutor em Sociologia

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This dissertation investigates the multiple grammars of trauma, survival, and witnessing through which personal suffering was articulated and acted upon in the aftermath of November 13, when a series of attacks on the Bataclan theater, cafés in Paris, and the Stade de France in Saint-Denis left 131 dead and thousands of survivors. Based on four years of participant observation research and original archival scholarship in France between 2018 and 2022, this research brings ethnology and history together to examine the aftereffects of colonialism not only “far afield” but also—within an epistemological frame that foregrounds relationality—at the diasporic “center.” “Postmetropolitan Trauma,” as I term it, thus offers a novel approach to the history of our present. Following the 2015 attacks in France, state insurers are processing individuals claims for PTSD compensation from the Guarantee Fund for Victims of Acts of Terrorism (FGTI). Meanwhile, an adjacent diagnostic practice is taking place at the National Institute of Health and Medical Research, where neuropsychologists are conducting biomedical research on PTSD in survivors. As testimonies are being processed by FGTI for financial compensation, on the one hand, and for a science of memory, on the other, a paradox arises: The ideal survivor for the neuropsychologist is she who overcomes her PTSD, and yet, for the purposes of trauma compensation, that is, from a forensic point of view, the survivor must remain symptomatic. In analyzing this paradox, I uncover reparation as a dynamic process of community making which is wider than its result, the final awarding or denial of compensation. While studies of the “War on Terror” have focused on the rise of the terrorist as the new Other, “Postmetropolitan Trauma” instead centers on the processes of subjectivation, identity construction, and community making that compensation produce in the wake of November-13. Who is considered a “survivor,” and as such an insider to trauma, and who is denied compensation as a “mere” witness? This novel approach reveals that the themes of violence and belonging are not restricted to the construction of perpetrators alone, but also shape the treatment of victims. In so doing, the dissertation proposes a new model for understanding the contradictory impulses of inclusion and exclusion, of violence and care, that shape the making of moral communities through historical trauma.

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Tableau d'honneur de la Faculté des études supérieures et postdoctorales, 2011-2012 / Les grandes métropoles sont des lieux entendus d'instabilités et de démesure. La théorie sociale et architecturale sur les 'grandes villes' trouve un déséquilibre équivalent dans la condition psychologique métropolitaine. Le corps humain, naturellement éveillé aux moindres sons ou mouvements, se retrouve forcé, dans la cohue et la congestion urbaine, à une attitude inconsciemment blasée. Cette résistance contre la sur-stimulation devient un acte de distanciation intellectuelle, un décalage mental entre l'individu et la foule, l'individu et la ville, et entre l'individu et sa propre subjectivité. Au-delà du blasé se trouve la vie aliénée décrite par Georg Simmel : la vie sous la structure hautement organisée de la ville d'argent et d'échanges. Cette recherche regarde ensuite les produits de modernisation de trois grandes capitales de la modernité, soit Paris, Berlin et New York, y montrant l'évolution de la rationalité moderne avec les grands boulevards, les foules, les monuments, les expositions, la neurasthénie, l'électricité, les gratte-ciels ou les amusements. Un vertige métropolitain devient une situation de transgression urbaine, un asynchronisme entre la subjectivité et la métropole rationnelle de la modernité.

Ce mémoire s’intéresse à la capacité d’Eva Joly à incarner dans sa candidature à l’investiture écologiste une figure contre-démocratique en revendiquant l’image de «l’incorruptible». Cette question de recherche, liée à la thèse de Pierre Rosanvallon sur la contre-démocratie, nous a amené à étudier la construction du cadrage médiatique d’Eva Joly à travers le modèle du cadrage en cascade de Robert Entman. Aux fins de notre étude, nous avons procédé à une analyse de contenu de l’ensemble des interviews d’Eva Joly de juillet 2010 à juillet 2011, soit l’année précédant son investiture comme candidate d’Europe Écologie Les Verts à l’élection présidentielle française de 2012. Nos données semblent indiquer qu’Eva Joly a imposé le cadre de l’incorruptible lorsque le contexte électoral était peu compétitif. Néanmoins, elle n’a pas pu maintenir son discours lié à la lutte contre la corruption au cœur de la compétition électorale, abandonnant ainsi temporairement son rôle contre-démocratique. Elle a en effet délaissé le cadre de l’incorruptible au profit du cadre divergent compétitif de l’écologiste lorsqu’il a été largement mis en avant par son principal concurrent, Nicolas Hulot, et repris par les journalistes.

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