La tesi è stata intitolata “Change the System From Within”. La participatory democracy e le riforme istituzionali negli Stati Uniti degli anni Sessanta e si compone di cinque capitoli. Nel primo capitolo si riprende l’idea di participatory democracy emersa in seno alla New Left e ai movimenti sociali dei lunghi anni Sessanta. In questo contesto il concetto di participatory democracy assunse due principali accezioni: da una parte rappresentava la rivendicazione politica di un maggior coinvolgimento attivo della cittadinanza nelle politiche - locali, statali e federali - frutto della crisi di legittimità che la democrazia americana stava attraversando in quegli anni; dall’altra, il concetto venne adottato come principio organizzativo all’interno dei gruppi stessi di attivisti, con la funzione di prefigurare quelle riforme politico-istituzionali cui gli stessi militanti aspiravano. Dalla stessa temperie di contestazione sorse del resto anche la critica che alcuni studiosi mossero alla teoria liberale pluralista e alla sua esemplificazione nella coeva democrazia americana. Nel primo capitolo si mostra proprio come da quelle rielaborazioni critiche degli anni Sessanta emerse anche il primo modello di participatory democracy in seno alla teoria politica, sviluppato pienamente negli anni Settanta e Ottanta da Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson e Benjamin Barber. Questa parte del lavoro di tesi si propone quindi di accostare alle pratiche partecipative introdotte dai movimenti anche la ricostruzione dello sviluppo graduale di una teoria politica della participatory democracy. Tale riflessione è completata da un’analisi storica di ampio raggio, necessaria a meglio contestualizzare il fenomeno e ad includere le nuove richieste democratiche nell’ambito di una tradizione democratico-rappresentativa già dotata di istituti partecipativi di democrazia diretta. Chiarito il quadro storico-politico degli anni Sessanta, il secondo capitolo analizza la ricezione dell’idea di participatory democracy nelle politiche federali. A questo proposito si illustra come il principio di citizen participation fosse stato recepito già con la War on Poverty promossa da Lindon B. Johnson alla metà degli anni Sessanta e fu mantenuto, con esiti istituzionali differenti, almeno fino alla fine della presidenza Carter. Si dimostra inoltre che, malgrado il dettato legislativo federale fosse spesso approssimativo sulle modalità operative, quel principio ebbe in realtà un notevole impatto sulle relazioni intergovernative. Tale principio favorì ad esempio l’intraprendenza di molti amministratori locali nel promuovere il decentramento amministrativo e politico su base di quartiere. Nel terzo capitolo l’analisi affronta le principali trasformazioni in senso partecipativo avvenute nei sistemi di governo statali e locali negli anni Settanta, mettendole in relazione anche alle dinamiche intergovernative di più lungo periodo. Il capitolo è strutturato in modo tale da evidenziare il tendenziale recupero e rafforzamento di istituti già esistenti, come l’initiative, i public hearing e gli school district come strumenti di rivendicazione del community control in alcune città di grandi dimensioni. Mentre il secondo e terzo capitolo tendono a osservare le riforme istituzionali degli anni Settanta in senso partecipativo in seno al governo federale, statale e locale, i due successivi capitoli mirano ad osservare l’impatto della participatory democracy nel confronto tra attivismo militante e pratiche amministrative tradizionali degli anni Settanta. Il quarto capitolo è infatti dedicato all’ingresso della nuova generazione di politici progressisti nelle amministrazioni locali e statali fra la fine degli anni Sessanta e la prima metà degli anni Settanta. Per analizzarlo si è deciso di analizzare come principale caso di studio la Conference on Alternative State and Local Policy (CASLP), una organizzazione e forum nazionale che mirava proprio ad unire alle istanze dei progressisti una expertise di governo. Nell’ambito della CASLP, la cosiddetta Coalizione progressista di Berkeley, CA, fornì un caso esemplare di strategia di confronto con le istituzioni locali e per questo il capitolo le dedica una attenta disanima. La pluriennale esperienza di azione collettiva dei progressisti di Berkeley nell’arena istituzionale è infatti rilevante sia per l’innovazione nella strategia istituzionale, sia per attestare una evoluzione dell’idea di participatory democracy nel tempo. Il quinto capitolo ricostruisce ed analizza la carriera politica di Tom Hayden negli anni in cui passò dall’attivismo alla politica istituzionale, con la campagna elettorale per diventare Senatore della California in Congresso (1975-1976) e la successiva Campaign for Economic Democracy (1976-1982), confermando la spiccata propensione del leader all’innovazione istituzionale in senso partecipativo. In particolare, nella campagna elettorale per il Senato del Congresso del 1976 Hayden riuscì a implementare forme di decision-making partecipato in seno allo staff. Nella gestione del personale cercò inoltre di favorire l’empowerment di volontari e cittadini senza perdere di vista i requisiti essenziali per la sopravvivenza della campagna: fundraising e propaganda. In linea con la sua battaglia contro le distorsioni economiche del big business, scelse di non accettare fondi da corporation e banche e riuscì nell’intento di essere sostenuto per gran parte da small donors. Hayden dunque introdusse pratiche di participatory democracy in seno alla campagna elettorale e continuò a rivendicare la sua fiducia nella forza dei movimenti grass-roots. L’analisi storica, ad ogni modo, evidenzia anche le criticità che derivavano dall’uso di pratiche partecipative nella governance della campagna elettorale. Atttraverso l’analisi teorica e politico-istituzionale della democrazia partecipativa americana fra gli anni Sessanta e Settanta su vari livelli istituzionali (federale, statale e locale), questo progetto di ricerca tenta quindi di colmare un vuoto storiografico e, al tempo stesso intende contribuire alla definizione storico-istituzionale della participatory democracy in seno alla democrazia rappresentativa degli Stati Uniti. Infine, la presente ricerca mira a inserirsi nel dibattito pubblico contemporaneo sulla participatory democracy, offrendo una visione storico-istituzionale importante per meglio comprendere il fenomeno e che, finora, non ha ricevuto l’attenzione che meriterebbe. / Chapter 1 retrieves the idea of participatory democracy stemmed from the Long 1960s New Left and the following social movements. Indeed, the concept of participatory democracy mainly acquired two slightly different shapes in that historical framework. From one hand, it meant the broad political call for common citizens’ greater involvement in the policy-making - at the local, state and federal level. That request was in fact a reply to the ongoing crisis of the American democracy, in terms of political legitimacy and social representation of minorities and poor people. In the other hand, participatory democracy represented the organizing principle adopted by most of the grass-roots groups of that period, with a clear prefigurative function. Indeed, making the activist groups’ inner decision-making participatory was a way for the collectives to anticipate the institutional changes they aspired to. In the meantime, because of the same disaffection against the raising social and political inequalities, some political science scholars elaborated a critique to the pluralist version of the liberal democracy - then the most praised one, as well as credited as it was embodied in the American democracy. Those 1960s critiques were eventually used to conceive the first political theory of participatory democracy in the 1970s and 1980s, as Chapter 1 shows. The participatory democracy’s canon was in fact mostly developed by Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson and Benjamin Barber. Beside the intellectual history of participatory democracy from 1960s to 1980s, Chapter 1 allows to contextualize ideas and practices of common citizens’ participation into the wider history of the American Political Development. According to that, chapter 1 also provides a detailed analysis of the participatory political institutions that were traditionally part of the United States representative democracy. Chapter 2 verifies whether the 1960s idea of participatory democracy actually affected the federal public policies of the late 1960s and 1970s. Indeed the principle of “citizen participation” was introduced in some of the War on Poverty legislations, promoted by Lyndon B. Johnson since the mid-1960s. Although the heterogeneous institutional effects, that principle was maintained in some grant-in-aid projects until the end of the Carter administration, through the Nixon and Ford administrations. Therefore, the political meanings assumed by the idea of “citizen participation” and its institutional consequences from 1964 to 1980 are carefully analyzed in chapter 2. Moreover, chapter 2 shows that the principle of citizen participation had such a strong impact on the intergovernmental relations. It thus brought forward, for instance, the local public officers’ entrepreneurship towards the local devolution, shifting the administrative and political power base from the center to the neighborhood. Chapter 3 deals with the 1970s main institutional reforms aimed at introducing the common citizens’ participation in the government decision-making at the state and local levels. Those reforms are deeply related to some long-lasting intergovernmental dynamics and this relationship is also argued. The same chapter’s lay-out is vowed to underline the 1970s general trend of retrieval and enhancing of traditional institutions, such as the initiative (direct democracy), the public hearings and the school districts. The school board was indeed reevaluated and reshaped as a means of community control in the biggest cities. As chapters 2 and 3 aim at exploring the implementation of participatory reforms in the federal, state and local level of government, chapters 4 and 5 aim at inquiring the participatory democracy’s impact on the 1970s boundary of polity - the space where activism meets political institutions. Chapter 4 inquires the new generations of progressive politicians entering the local and state administrations from the late 1960s to the mid-1970s. To frame that national phenomenon, the historical analysis use the Conference of Alternative States and Local Policies (CASLP) as a case study. CASLP was indeed a national organization born in 1975 to give voice to the progressive public officers around the country and allowed them sharing their government experiences for a more effective institutional impact. Inside CASLP, the progressive coalition of Berkeley, CA (called Berkeley Citizens’ Action, BCA) was especially spotted for its exemplary strategy to confront local political institutions. The 1970s BCA’s political actions are thus specifically analyzed. In fact, the institutional approach of the Berkeley progressive coalition resulted to be innovative in terms of strategy as well as successful in introducing new forms of participatory democracy into the local government, assessing the 1970s evolution of the participatory democracy political theory and practices. Chapter 5 retraces the political career of the former New Left leader Tom Hayden during the years of turning from activism to institutional politics. Especially, the analysis focuses on the 1975-1976 U.S. Senate Campaign and the following Campaign for Economic Democracy (CED), a coalition project and organization led by Hayden with the goal of mobilizing activists and public officers around the issues of economic justice, environmental and economic public policies (1976-1982). That period - just before Hayden was elected representative at the California Legislature in 1982 - is thus analyzed as a testing ground to verify his long-lasting commitment towards participatory democracy. The historical and political analysis, based on original archival findings, confirms Hayden’s inclination for institutional innovation in the participatory realm. In particular, during the 1975-1976 electoral campaign for the U.S. Senate in California Hayden introduced participatory forms of decision-making involving staff people, volunteers and supporting grass-roots groups. Moreover, that campaign’s staff and people management was conceived in order to directly empower citizens and volunteers, without losing track of the campaigning basic requirements (e. g. fundraising and propaganda). As he stood against big business and economic inequalities, he chose to reject fundings from corporations and banks. Therefore his electoral campaign was mostly sustained by small donors. Hayden successfully made the campaigning more open, accountable and participatory and kept on sponsoring his trust in community organizing and grass-roots social movements even in his following political endeavour, CED. Eventually, the investigation casts lights on the strengths, as well as the critical issues, produced by the Hayden’s participatory governance of campaigning. By the means of analysing the intellectual history and the institutional implementation of participatory democracy during late 1960s-1970s United States, this research project firstly aims at making up the lack of historiography about the topic. In the second stance, grounding the institutional and political history of participatory democracy in the United States representative democracy - where the concept was born - this research project intends to provide a first genealogy of the participatory democracy’s institutional implementation. In this sense, the research projects wants also to contribute to the contemporary debate on the participatory democracy. It is indeed a compelling and popular issue in many worldwide political arenas, but it is still rarely defined by its historical and institutional terms.

Cette recherche traite du sujet de la gouvernance urbaine locale au delà de son aspect conceptuel ou analytique. Il est question d'appréhender la gouvernance urbaine locale à travers : le projet urbain, les moyens et mécanismes de la gestion de la chose publique aussi bien législatifs que techniques, ainsi qu'à travers les pratiques des acteurs publics et l'ensemble des parties prenantes dont les acteurs de la société civile locale. En s'appuyant sur l'exemple du projet de la requalification urbaine de la rue de la République à Marseille, l'étude s'intéresse également à montrer la capacité et l'apport des associations de quartier dans la défense des intérêts des citoyens et la promotion de la démocratie participative locale. Par ailleurs, la recherche aborde la question de l'impact des mutations scocio-économiques, dues au croisement des politiques publiques, et l'intervention des acteurs économiques aussi bien sur l'espace micro-local, en l'occurrence la rue, que sur le milieu urbain et les citoyens. C'est tout l'intérêt de cette recherche de montrer l'impact des logiques économiques et politiques sur la gestion du projet urbain et la place qu'occupent les citoyens et les acteurs associatifs dans le processus décisionnel. / This research deals with the subject of local urban governance beyond its conceptual or analytical aspect. It is question to understanding the local urban governance through: the urban project, the means and mechanisms for the management of the public affairs as well as techniques and practices of public and all stakeholders, including local civil society actors. Based on the example of urban regeneration project in the street of the République in Marseille, the study also showed the ability and the contribution of neighbourhood associations in the interests of citizens and promotion of local participatory democracy. Furthermore, the research addresses the question of the impact of mutations scocio-economic due to the crossing of public policy and the intervention of economic actors on the micro-local space, namely the street, and on the urban citizens. It's the whole interest of this research to show the impact of economic and political logics on the urban project and to show the place of citizens and civil society actors in decision making.

Lobbying regulation in the Czech Republic - recommendations based on international experience Summary Lobbying is a natural part of contemporary globalized world, where political interests meet intensively with the economic and other private interests. In order to strengthen the principles, especially transparency and responsibility, some countries adopt lobbying regulation. The USA, Canada, Poland, Hungary, Lithuania and the EU institutions approach to lobbying in some aspects in the same way, in many other aspects they approach to it very differently. Different historical and socio-economical experience of these entities has, often substantial, influence on the differences of their regulation approach. The Czech Republic shares with many mentioned countries the experience of post- communist state, which does not have long democratic political culture and which has many problems with corruption in the public decision-making process. Lobbying regulation under Czech conditions is therefore necessary for raising transparency and responsibility of politicians. During the preparation of the future regulation, it is necessary to respect recmmendations of the international organizations and to thoroughly analyze experience of other states. The necessary parts of the future law should be especially: clear...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Alberto Maciel Publio.pdf: 650541 bytes, checksum: 657f0a13df3608af8395ab55c932e749 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-22 / The objective of this research is to study the Conselho Municipal dos Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente (COMDICA) - City Council for the Rights of the Child and Adolescent - of the City of Vitória da Conquista-Bahia, since its implantation (1991) until the current days. The research was centered in the analysis of the COMDICA s capacity in influencing the public policies for infancy and adolescence as a privileged lócus to the exercise of the participatory democracy. In this view, the research was turned towards the understanding of the interlocutions quality of the Council with the City public power and with the institutions that take care of children and adolescents and also for knowledge of the technical level of the City s Council members on its functions as representants of the civil society and the ability of implementation of its deliberations. In conducting the research, it was evidenced that the COMDICA did not reach its objective as an instance that deliberates on public policies for infancy and adolescence. On the other hand, the city during the administrations of the Partido dos Trabalhadores party (PT), which corresponds to three mandates and, one third, in course, became truthfully a regional reference for implanting projects and developing actions (in the several areas) with the objective to reduce social inequalities and, over all, for assuring the children s and adolescent s rights in situation of social vulnerability / Este trabalho tem por objetivo estudar o Conselho Municipal dos Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente (COMDICA), do Município de Vitória da Conquista-Bahia, a partir de sua instalação (1991) até os dias atuais. A pesquisa centrou-se na análise da capacidade do COMDICA em influenciar as políticas públicas para a infância e adolescência como lócus privilegiado do exercício da democracia participativa. Neste sentido, a pesquisa voltou-se para o entendimento da qualidade da interlocução do Conselho com o poder público municipal e com as instituições que atendem crianças e adolescentes e para conhecimento do nível técnico dos conselheiros municipais de direitos sobre suas funções como representantes da sociedade civil e a capacidade de efetivação das suas deliberações. No transcorrer da pesquisa, constatou-se que o COMDICA não alcançou o seu objetivo como instância que delibera sobre políticas públicas para a infância e adolescência. Por outro lado, o município durante as administrações do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), correspondentes a três mandatos e, um terceiro, em curso, tornou-se uma referência regional notadamente por implantar projetos e desenvolver ações (nas diversas áreas) com o objetivo de reduzir as desigualdades sociais e, sobretudo, por assegurar os direitos da criança e do adolescente em situação de vulnerabilidade social

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Alberto Maciel Publio.pdf: 650541 bytes, checksum: 657f0a13df3608af8395ab55c932e749 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-22 / The objective of this research is to study the Conselho Municipal dos Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente (COMDICA) - City Council for the Rights of the Child and Adolescent - of the City of Vitória da Conquista-Bahia, since its implantation (1991) until the current days. The research was centered in the analysis of the COMDICA s capacity in influencing the public policies for infancy and adolescence as a privileged lócus to the exercise of the participatory democracy. In this view, the research was turned towards the understanding of the interlocutions quality of the Council with the City public power and with the institutions that take care of children and adolescents and also for knowledge of the technical level of the City s Council members on its functions as representants of the civil society and the ability of implementation of its deliberations. In conducting the research, it was evidenced that the COMDICA did not reach its objective as an instance that deliberates on public policies for infancy and adolescence. On the other hand, the city during the administrations of the Partido dos Trabalhadores party (PT), which corresponds to three mandates and, one third, in course, became truthfully a regional reference for implanting projects and developing actions (in the several areas) with the objective to reduce social inequalities and, over all, for assuring the children s and adolescent s rights in situation of social vulnerability / Este trabalho tem por objetivo estudar o Conselho Municipal dos Direitos da Criança e do Adolescente (COMDICA), do Município de Vitória da Conquista-Bahia, a partir de sua instalação (1991) até os dias atuais. A pesquisa centrou-se na análise da capacidade do COMDICA em influenciar as políticas públicas para a infância e adolescência como lócus privilegiado do exercício da democracia participativa. Neste sentido, a pesquisa voltou-se para o entendimento da qualidade da interlocução do Conselho com o poder público municipal e com as instituições que atendem crianças e adolescentes e para conhecimento do nível técnico dos conselheiros municipais de direitos sobre suas funções como representantes da sociedade civil e a capacidade de efetivação das suas deliberações. No transcorrer da pesquisa, constatou-se que o COMDICA não alcançou o seu objetivo como instância que delibera sobre políticas públicas para a infância e adolescência. Por outro lado, o município durante as administrações do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), correspondentes a três mandatos e, um terceiro, em curso, tornou-se uma referência regional notadamente por implantar projetos e desenvolver ações (nas diversas áreas) com o objetivo de reduzir as desigualdades sociais e, sobretudo, por assegurar os direitos da criança e do adolescente em situação de vulnerabilidade social

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:21:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Melissa Barbosa Tabosa do Egito.pdf: 832678 bytes, checksum: 0e1285ae295c117678dfb3443cf7e646 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-05 / The present study aims to investigate the character of decisions of the boards policymakers and the attitude of the Judiciary, when faced with the legalization of an impasse between the board and executive ie, when negative, by the manager, applying the policy decided by the board. To perform the analysis, is necessary to take off from major democratic theories of the twentieth century and to analyze the social participation in the 1988 Constitution. Then it deals specifically about the policy councils, their legal prevision, their participation in the formulation and monitoring of public policies. Before the multi subjective conflicts, characteristic of the impasses that deal with social rights that are object of public policies, Judiciary is required to make use of an hermeneutical model in which interpretation does not consist in an act of syllogism. Therefore, this paper analyzes the philosophical hermeneutics of Gadamer and its influence on the Structuring Law Theory of Müller, which is part of the constitutional concept of concretion. Thus, it is necessary to introduce elements of reality in the hermeneutical process in order to build the order for the concrete case. Approaches the idea that the real interpreters of the Constitution are all the ones it addresses to (Häberle) to conclude that, considering the constitutional prevision when the judicialization of the impasses between the Executive and councils takes place, the court must reverse the burden of argument, so that it fits this Power to check that the board's decision is not the one that best targets the promotion of social rights / O presente trabalho se propõe a investigar o caráter das decisões dos conselhos gestores de políticas públicas e a postura do Poder Judiciário, quando diante da judicialização de um impasse entre conselho e Executivo, isto é, quando houver negativa, por parte do gestor, de aplicar a política deliberada pelo conselho. Para realizar sua análise, parte-se de algumas das principais teorias democráticas do século XX e analisa a participação social na Constituição de 1988. Em seguida, trata especificamente dos conselhos de políticas, sua previsão legal, sua participação na formulação e fiscalização das políticas públicas. Diante dos conflitos plurissubjetivos, característicos dos impasses que versam sobre direitos sociais objeto de políticas públicas, impende que o Judiciário faça uso de um modelo hermenêutico em que a interpretação não consista ato de silogismo. Por isso, o trabalho analisa a hermenêutica filosófica de Gadamer e sua influência na Teoria Estruturante do Direito de Müller, da qual faz parte a noção de concretização constitucional. Assim, é preciso que se introduzam elementos da realidade no processo hermenêutico, a fim de construir a norma para o caso concreto. Aborda a ideia de que são os reais intérpretes da Constituição todos os seus destinatários (Häberle) para concluir que, considerando a previsão constitucional, quando da judicialização dos impasses entre Poder Executivo e conselhos, o juiz deve inverter o ônus argumentativo, de forma que cabe a este Poder, comprovar que a decisão do conselho não é a que melhor se coaduna com a promoção dos direitos sociais

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniela Kalil.pdf: 1708469 bytes, checksum: 351e62fde2a6802246162bf1c86afa06 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-28 / Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie / The preamble of the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil of 1988, called Citizen Constitution states that representatives of the Brazilian people gathered in the National Constituent Assembly to institute a Democratic State. This democratic state founded on some fundamental principles constitutionally expressed, including, sovereignty and citizenship, which are prerequisites for citizens' political participation in public affairs. All these concepts are interrelated, complementing each other and constitute a set of principles, rights and duties, which provides the practical existence of democratic political order. The challenge of Brazilian society, as well as of other contemporary democratic societies, is to promote the improvement and accomplishment of popular participation in the State s life, which reveals a very complex task from the moment one understands that, first, it is imperative that become effective the rights and guarantees proclaimed in the Constitution. Aside from this need, it is essential, also, that people dispose of participatory mechanisms, which enjoy a truly legal and political framework that aims at the achievement, execution and result. In a country whose highest law prescribes that all power emanates from the people, who may exercise it in a direct form, popular participation is a prerequisite for the fulfillment of the purposes of a democratic State under law. The plebiscite comes as a fundamentally valuable tool for the achievement and consolidation of participatory democracy. / O preâmbulo da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988, denominada Constituição Cidadã, declara que representantes do povo brasileiro reuniram-se em Assembléia Nacional Constituinte para instituir um Estado Democrático. Esse Estado Democrático de Direito alicerça-se em alguns princípios fundamentais constitucionalmente expressos, dentre eles, a soberania e a cidadania, que são pressupostos para a participação política dos cidadãos nos negócios públicos. Todos esses conceitos estão interligados, complementando-se mutuamente, e constituem um conjunto de princípios, direitos e deveres, que propicia a existência prática da ordem política democrática. O desafio da sociedade brasileira, assim como das demais sociedades democráticas contemporâneas, é promover o aprimoramento e a concretização da participação popular na vida do Estado, o que se revela tarefa de grande complexidade a partir do momento que se compreende que, antes, é imprescindível que se efetivem os direitos e garantias fundamentais previstos na Constituição. Afora essa necessidade, é essencial, ainda, que o povo disponha de mecanismos participativos, que usufruam de uma estrutura genuinamente legal e política que vise à sua aplicação, execução e resultado. Em um país cuja Lei Maior prescreve que todo o poder emana do povo, que poderá exercê-lo de forma direta, a participação popular é requisito para o cumprimento dos propósitos do Estado Democrático de Direito. O plebiscito surge como um instrumento fundamentalmente valioso para a realização e consolidação da democracia participativa.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:17:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cristina de Mello Gomide.pdf: 638990 bytes, checksum: b048873da2c4f4f067c70cdb09cb156d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-23 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This master´s dissertation purpose is the study of the relations between Social Movements and NGOs in the city of Sao Paulo in the period of years 2000 to 2007. The objective is to investigate and analyse, based on the relationship that Social Movements and NGOs built in the Brazilian context, the social and political mediations thar serve as reference to the policy making in the relationship of these two constituent subjects in the contemporary days. The hypothesis assumed here is that social representations of Social Movements and NGOs reveal that the relations between them include, although ambivalent, partnership and political dispute in the context of participatory democratic process. The study of the matter included research in the areas of Sociology, Social Service and Social Psychology, from where we could set apart as basic conceptual references: State / Civil Society Participatory Democracy, Policy Making and Social Representations. There was also documentary research on web sites that contained data on the subject searched and the organizations they represent. The qualitative research methodology was adopted, and semi-structured interviews with open questions have been used as tools for date collection, which started from a script. For analysis of the data the technique adopted was the analysis of content. The research results showed that the ambivalent character of the relations between Social Movements and NGOs in Sao Paulo, in the contemporary days, expressing conflicts, tensions, political disputes, dialogues and partnerships. It showed also that, beyond the relations of disputes, there are possibilities for inter-relations between NGOs and Social Movements in forums and networking, defined as areas of collective struggles, the definition of common agendas and build consensus, pointed to expansion and consolidation of project Brazilian participatory-democratic / A presente dissertação de mestrado teve por objeto o estudo das relações de Movimentos Sociais e de ONGs na cidade de São Paulo, no período compreendido entre os anos de 2000 a 2007. Objetivou-se investigar e analisar, a partir da relação que Movimentos Sociais e ONGs construíram no contexto brasileiro, as mediações sociais e políticas que referenciam o fazer política desses dois sujeitos sociais e os elementos constitutivos da relação entre ambos na contemporaneidade. Definiu-se como hipótese que as representações sociais de Movimentos Sociais e de ONGs revelam que suas relações incluem, de forma ambivalente, a parceria e a disputa política, no contexto do processo democrático participativo. O estudo da temática compreendeu levantamentos bibliográficos nas áreas da Sociologia, Serviço Social e Psicologia Social, dos quais destacam -se como referências conceituais básicas: Estado/Sociedade Civil, Democracia Participativa, Fazer Política e Representações Sociais. Procedeu-se ainda pesquisa documental em sites da Internet que continham dados sobre os sujeitos pesquisados e as organizações que representam. Adotou-se como metodologia a pesquisa qualitativa, tendo sido utilizados como instrumentos de coleta de dados entrevistas semi-estruturadas, com perguntas abertas, que partiram de um roteiro. Para análise dos dados obtidos foi aplicada a técnica de análise de conteúdo. A pesquisa revelou como resultados que as relações entre Movimentos Sociais e ONGs em São Paulo, na contemporaneidade são de caráter ambivalente, expressando conflitos, tensões, disputas políticas, diálogos e parcerias. Revelou ainda que, para além das relações de disputas, há possibilidades de outras inter-relações entre Movimentos Sociais e ONGs em Fóruns e Redes, entendidos como espaços coletivos de lutas, definição de agendas comuns e construção de consensos, direcionados à ampliação e consolidação do projeto democrático-participativo brasileiro

Using a Marxist perspective, this thesis examines Venezuela’s Socialist Production Units (SPU). SPUs have emerged as a clear alternative to the neoliberal model that characterized Venezuela and most of Latin America for the past 30 years. However, SPUs exist within capitalism and their political economy remains contradictory, a reality that manifests in the concrete experiences of their workers. Although facing contradictory experiences, SPU workers are acquiring important learning that challenges dominant market relations and builds the preconditions for a new, more just society. This learning is being acquired informally, in particular, through workers’ democratic participation in their SPU. For these reasons, SPUs should be considered important sites where revolutionary praxis is taking place. Therefore, I conclude, SPUs are making a significant contribution to the building of ‘socialism in the 21st century’, but further struggles, in particular, against the state bureaucracy and large local landowners are needed to advance their goals.

Using a Marxist perspective, this thesis examines Venezuela’s Socialist Production Units (SPU). SPUs have emerged as a clear alternative to the neoliberal model that characterized Venezuela and most of Latin America for the past 30 years. However, SPUs exist within capitalism and their political economy remains contradictory, a reality that manifests in the concrete experiences of their workers. Although facing contradictory experiences, SPU workers are acquiring important learning that challenges dominant market relations and builds the preconditions for a new, more just society. This learning is being acquired informally, in particular, through workers’ democratic participation in their SPU. For these reasons, SPUs should be considered important sites where revolutionary praxis is taking place. Therefore, I conclude, SPUs are making a significant contribution to the building of ‘socialism in the 21st century’, but further struggles, in particular, against the state bureaucracy and large local landowners are needed to advance their goals.