In questo lavoro viene presentata una metodologia di analisi del sistema delle infrastrutture verdi/grigie degli ambienti urbani classificabili per la loro sostenibilità ambientale. Questa analisi, permette la costruzione di una matrice che può essere analizzata matematicamente. Il problema di knapsack a scelta multipla è la base dell'approccio dove viene proposto un algoritmo risolutivo efficiente per ottenere la soluzione ottima lineare al problema, e tale metodo algoritmico viene incorporato in un algoritmo di programmazione dinamica per il problema intero. Nel caso trattato la seconda funzione obiettivo è stata utilizzata per minimizzare la differenza complessiva tra gli stati di competenza di ciascuna infrastruttura. Un ulteriore set di vincoli è stato usato nelle due macroclassi contenenti rispettivamente le infrastrutture di tipo pubblico e di tipo privato. Il modello utilizzato in questo lavoro è stato sviluppato ad-hoc per rappresentare il problema decisionale considerato e tutte le sue caratteristiche peculiari. Il modello sviluppato presenta dunque elementi di originalità, al meglio della conoscenza dell'autore. A migliorare l'accettabilità delle scelte progettuali è stato introdotto anche il processo di progettazione partecipata attraverso l'electronic town meeting. Le risultanze di tale approccio metodologico ottimizza l’impiego di risorse economiche limitate verso una migliore qualità della vita negli ambienti urbani. / In this paper we present a methodology for analyzing the system of green/gray infrastructure urban environments classified for their environmental sustainability. This analysis, allows the construction of a matrix that can be analyzed mathematically. The knapsack problem of multiple choice is the basis of the approach is proposed where a resolutive efficient algorithm to obtain the optimal solution to the problem linear, and this algorithmic method is incorporated in a dynamic programming algorithm for the entire problem. In the case treated the second objective function has been used to minimize the overall difference between the states of competence of each infrastructure. A further set of constraints has been used in the two macroclasses containing respectively the infrastructure type of public and private type. The model used in this work was developed ad hoc to represent the decision problem under consideration and all its characteristics. The model developed thus presents elements of originality, to the best knowledge of the author. To improve the acceptability of the design choices is also introduced the process of participatory planning through the electronic town meeting. The results of this methodological approach optimizes the use of limited financial resources towards a better quality of life in urban environments.

A democratic workplace is one where workers as a body have the right to determine the internal organization and future direction of the firm. Worker co-operatives are a type of democratic firm. In a worker co-operative employees are joint-owners of the firm and participate democratically in workplace governance. Much has been written about the supposed benefits of worker co-operatives for workers and for society. One thread of this research, originating with Carole Pateman’s theoretical work (Pateman 1970), argues that worker co-operatives act as sites of political learning for workers. By participating democratically in workplace decisions, individuals are thought to learn the skills and psychological dispositions needed to participate in political democracy. A second thread argues that co-operatives will improve worker well-being. Democratic governance will give workers control over work organization, increasing autonomy in their daily lives, and leading to an increase in non-material work rewards such as job satisfaction. Worker ownership will equalize the material rewards from work and improve job security. These arguments are premised on the idea that democratic governance structures and worker ownership will lead to widespread, effective worker participation in decision-making and the equalization of power at work. However, insufficient attention is given to the contextual factors beyond formal governance and ownership structures that shape the internal dynamics of workplace democracy. I conduct an in-depth, mixed-methods case study of a worker co-operative with 158 employees in the UK cycling retail industry. Using survey research, social network analysis, in-depth interviews and direct observation, I show how individual differences, firm-level contextual factors such as the social composition of the organization, and macro-level factors such as economic and cultural context, lead to unequal participation opportunities and different outcomes for different groups of workers within the firm. My research leads to three conclusions. First, the outcomes of workplace democracy for workers are highly context-dependent. They will differ across groups of workers within co-operatives, across different democratic firms, and across cultures. Second, the relationship between workplace democracy and political participation is more complex than the Pateman thesis suggests. It is contingent on the political identities of workers, which are themselves shaped by wider political economic context. Political identity affects both participation behaviour at work, and how workplace experience shapes political views. Third, the subjective well-being outcomes of workplace democracy depend on workers’ expectations about work. Expectations are shaped by the same forces that mould political identity. Workplace democracy raises expectations for certain groups of workers, leading to well-being harms when expectations are not met. Overall, the benefits of workplace democracy for workers and for society are overstated. In the UK context, co-ops are unlikely to realize the benefits attributed to them without large-scale public policy interventions.

Este estudo versou sobre a mobilidade urbana como direito fundamental, com foco no caso do Recife. No entendimento de que a cidade é um objeto de direito para os sujeitos que nela vivem e circulam, estudaram-se as implicações do direito à mobilidade urbana como Direito Fundamental tendo em vista a inclusão dos transportes no rol dos direitos fundamentais (Emenda Constitucional n. 90) e a imperativa necessidade de realização do Plano de Mobilidade urbana com efetiva participação popular. Partiu-se da premissa de que o direito à cidade ultrapassa a questão da gestão pública. Trata-se do exercício político revolucionário de uma nova democracia na qual a relação dos indivíduos com o espaço tem forte impacto no exercício da cidadania. Em busca de compreender essa relação uma questão fazia presente: É possível por meio da efetiva participação da sociedade civil, atrelada a políticas públicas consistentes assegurar eficácia jurídica ao direito fundamental aos transportes e consequentemente, ao direito à mobilidade urbana e assim superar o sistema de (i)mobilidade urbana atual? Para atender ou não à indagação construiu-se o seguinte objetivo: analisar a efetividade da mobilidade urbana prevista nos instrumentos jurídicos como um direito fundamental. A partir da reflexão sobre a relação existente entre a compreensão do modelo de democracia participativa e a gestão das cidades, como espaço público fragmentado e tecnológico, conferiu-se atenção ao modo como a sociedade aproveita os espaços urbanos de forma acessível e inclusiva. Compreendeu-se, por fim, que a efetiva participação popular como paradigma de democracia participativa, em um universo tecnológico, é uma tarefa que exige o esforço da sociedade civil atrelada ao Estado, nas suas múltiplas formas de organização. A análise semântica da inclusão do direito ao transporte no rol dos direitos fundamentais sociais, à luz dos instrumentos jurídicos previstos para a sua efetivação, apontou como resultado a possibilidade de desaguar na velha encruzilhada de uma constituição simbólica. Este estudo científico se presta ao interesse de estudantes e pesquisadores na área de mobilidade urbana, bem como de todos os cidadãos cujo direito de ir e vir devem ser assegurados. / It starts with the premise that the right to the city goes beyond the issue of public administration, but is, in itself, the revolutionary political exercise like new democracy. In these terms, the relationship between individuals and space has a strong impact on citizenship. The city is an object of law for the subjects who live and circulate. This dissertation studies the implications of the right to the city and, more specifically, urban mobility as a fundamental right explicit in the Constitution of 1988, especially after the Constitutional Amendment No. 90 which included in the list of fundamental social rights transportation, linked to the legal instruments of penetration in local legislation. Faced with the challenge of thinking urban mobility projects, this dissertation aims to analyze the semantics of the inclusion of the right to transport in the list of fundamental social rights, as well as the legal instruments provided for their realization.

Les élus locaux veulent associer les citoyens, qui veulent pouvoir être entendus et peser dans les décisions. Ces propositions résument les enjeux d'une démocratie participative, à la fois comme idéal de gouvernement et comme norme de l'action publique locale. La thèse revient sur la mise à l'épreuve de l'impératif délibératif à l'échelle municipale, depuis les années 1990. L'enquête repose sur l'analyse des conditions sociales de la production et de la réception d'offres institutionnelles de participation, dans trois communes de 20 000 habitants. Au travers d'une approche inductive et pluri-méthodologique, nous proposons une sociologie de l'engagement participatif, entre études sur la socialisation politique et sur l'action publique locale. L'attention portée aux contextes, aux acteurs et aux formats de l'offre de participation, permet d'en constater l'institutionnalisation inaboutie et les appropriations socialement situées. Nous argumentons en faveur d'une compréhension dispositionnelle et situationnelle des parcours de participation et de non-participation, pour élaborer une théorie ancrée de l'engagement participatif, entre pouvoir et vouloir. Dans ce cadre, la possibilité intermittente d'une participation réalisée ne se comprend qu'au regard d'un engagement distancié, critiqué, empêché ou évité. En toute fin, si elle est une voie d'intéressement à un intérêt local commun, l'offre de participation voit sa portée sociale et politique fondamentalement limitée par l’encastrement de la participation dans la représentation. / This thesis studies political participation at local level and its implications for citizen engagement in public policy. Local elected representatives want to engage citizens in governance, citizens want to be heard and to influence policy making. Thus participatory democracy and deliberative imperative are considered as an ideal for government and a best practice in public action. This thesis focuses on "offers of participation" - opportunities for participation created by authorities for citizen - in French municipalities since 1990. I argue that these "offers" swing between thwart institutionalising and continuous experimenting. Empirical data are derived from the study of policies for implementing participatory democracy in three cities of 20 000 inhabitants. I discuss the social-historical anchorage of these political-­administrative constructions, the effects of their various design and the social conditions of their differentiate appropriations by citizens. I suggest a grounded theory of citizen engagement based on an inductive and multi-method approach. The analytical framework is based on the concepts of social dispositions and situations, in order to determine social conditions of patterns of participation and non-participation, as both faces of a similar phenomenon. The opportunity for an effective intermittent participation can only be understood in relation with a distanced, impeached, prevented or avoided participation. "Offers of participation" are a way to mobilise citizens on a common local interest. Though, their impact is narrowed by the fact that participation is imbedded in the system of political representation.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:15:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5519.pdf: 1435722 bytes, checksum: cba6a48979dc6b45237f4b77d8adf300 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-05 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / Starting with the organization of social movements in the late 1960s, crossing the institutionalization of participation in the 1988 Constitution and disemboguing on the recent analysis on the institutional engineering of Participatory Budgeting from the 2000s, the research agenda on participatory institutions in Brazil, not only consolidated on the academic setting as well as is growing and diversifying in the last decades. Aiming to insert the most recent literature of the field of public policy in the studies in of participatory institutions, this dissertation is the union of two major movements: The first intends to redeem the theories of political science that guided the studies strongly about these new centers of popular empowerment. Based on the theories democratic and on the neo-institutionalism, the national literature produced extensive and important material about the extra-parliamentary representation and about the reconfiguration of the relationship between state and society, but also on the effects of institutionalization of participation and about their history and evaluation of its effectiveness. After reviewing the literature and what was produced from it, the second movement advocates the public policies as an epistemological field. Border to the field of political science, is through the explanation of some of his own theories and models of analysis of policy that aims to show new horizons for research agenda about the participatory institutions. Under the assumption that the participatory politics institutionalized in the 1988 Constitution can be understood as public policies, this work aims to show how, integrated, political science theories and models of public policy analysis can produce issues that drive to build a new research agenda of participatory institutions in Brazil. / Da organização dos movimentos sociais no final da década de 1960, passando pela institucionalização da participação na Constituição de 1988, desaguando nas recentes análises mais minuciosas sobre a engenharia institucional de Orçamentos Participativos a partir dos anos 2000, a agenda de pesquisa sobre as instituições participavas no Brasil não só se consolidou no cenário acadêmico como vem crescendo e se diversificando nas última décadas. Com o objetivo de inserir a mais recente literatura do campo de políticas públicas nos estudos das instituições participativas, essa dissertação se constitui da união de dois grandes movimentos: O primeiro pretende resgatar as teorias da ciência política que pautaram fortemente os estudos sobre esses novos centro de empoderamento popular. Das teorias democráticas ao neo-institucionalismo, a literatura nacional produziu extenso e importante material sobre a representação extraparlamentar e a reconfiguração da relação entre o Estado e a sociedade; como também sobre os efeitos da institucionalização da participação, seu histórico e a avaliação de sua eficácia e efetividade. Feito o balanço dessa literatura e do que foi produzido a partir dela, o segundo movimento defende as políticas públicas como um campo epistemológico. Fronteiriço ao campo da ciência política é através da explanação de algumas de suas teorias e modelos próprios de análise de formulação de políticas que se pretende mostrar novos horizontes para a agenda de pesquisa sobre as instituições participativas. Sob a hipótese de que as políticas participativas institucionalizadas na Constituição de 1988 podem ser entendidas como sendo políticas públicas, esse trabalho pretende demonstrar como, integradas, as teorias da ciência política e os modelos de análise de políticas públicas podem produzir questões que direcionem para a construção de uma nova agenda de pesquisa das instituições participativas no Brasil.

No description available.

The aim of this inquiry is to investigate which ideals of democracy that three proposals for strengtening the democracy in the European Union consists of and to judge if the desired effects of the proposals are reachable. The method that is used is an analysis of ideas and contents. Theories that are used are deliberative and particiapatory ideals of democracy. The theories are used to investigate if the ideas in the proposals correspond to the ideals of deliberative and participatory democracy. The major result is that the proposals fail to fulfil the ideas of the theories. The reason is that the proposals are lacking ideas of how to make the citizens more aware and active in politics. The point of departure in the proposals is that the European Union will be more democratic if the people are brought in to the politics, but they do not suggest how people should form opinions through communication and become conscious and competent in political issues through participation. It is also likely that the effects of the proposals not are reachable to all the citizens. Only the ones who have an interest in communicating and participating in European politics will be gained by the proposals.

This is a case study of the alternative labour union organization Central de Trabajadores de la Argentina (CTA) in Argentina and the most recent project under process striving for system change, named the Constituyente Social. The case under study is used to illustrate the perception of power in relation to aspirations for societal change among the left in Latin America. The overall struggle of the CTA and the Constituyente Social is to create a more just society based on a deepening of democracy, more participatory in character. Two understandings of power are presented, on the one hand is the taking power concept, inherited from the political struggles where the belief is that power needs to be taken from the elite in order to succeed with structural change in society. On the other hand is the creating power perception, best exemplified with the Zapatista movement in Mexico. There is no conquering of power in this view, but a creation and strengthening of power among the masses. The theoretical chapter presents a view that unites these two perceptions, arguing for the need to intersect the vertical (power taking) and the horizontal (power creating) struggles. The Constituyente Social is analyzed in relation to this intersection, providing concrete examples of where the two power perceptions are utilized, sometimes simultaneously. The overall conclusion is that the dichotomization usually done between the two understandings of power is incomplete and may even damage the struggle for societal change.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:33:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Renato Jaqueta Benine.pdf: 881117 bytes, checksum: 769e01b12bae463dae3b33a5839031d2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-23 / Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie / Lobbying is an expression constantly associated with the defense of private and specific economic interests of a group and with the adoption of shady practices, influence peddling, corruption and exchange of favors. However, this practice which should not be understood from its pathology but from its physiology has become increasingly common, being used not only as a defense mechanism of an economic group, but also as an instrument to promote overall interests in a society. In this scenario, we also have organizations of the emerging Third Sector figuring as actors adopting lobbying strategies. In Brazil, the regulation of lobbying practice is still pending. However, its physiology has deserved a legal and constitutional treatment in the 1988 Federal Constitution. Its protection is observed with the recognition of citizenship and political pluralism as the foundation of the Democratic State ruled by the Law, as well as from the participatory democratic dimension, expressed by the 88 Constitution. The fundamental status of lobbying in the Third Sector also derives from the recognition of fundamental rights and guarantees, including: (a) freedom of assembly; (b) freedom of association; (c) the right to be informed; (d) the right to information ; (e) the right to freedom of opinion and expression of thought; (f) the freedom of intellectual, scientific expression and others; and (g) the right of petition. As to the limits of this practice, they are perceived in its own constitutional provisions to guarantee such protection. Concerning freedom of assembly and freedom of association, the lobbying carried out by Third Sector organizations is thought to be developed for lawful purposes. As to citizenship understood as a duty of solidarity with other members of society it is understood that the Third Sector, in an act of lobbying, must be aware of social concerns like those expressed among the fundamental objectives of our federal republic. Another limit to the Third Sector lobbying is the political equality to which all are endowed with equal rights and freedom in the development of a political action. Thus, no action developed by lobbying organizations of the Third Sector could be generated so as to eliminate or prevent the participation of other interest groups, opposed or not, because dissension is a vital component of our pluralist democracy. / O lobbying é uma expressão constantemente associada à defesa de interesses econômicos, particularistas e específicos de determinado grupo e à adoção de práticas escusas, tráfico de influência, corrupção e troca de favores. Entretanto, essa prática que não deve ser compreendida a partir de sua patologia, mas sim de sua fisiologia tem se tornado cada vez mais usual, sendo utilizada não só como um mecanismo de incidência política de grupos de natureza econômica, mas também como instrumento na promoção de interesses mais gerais de uma sociedade. Nesse cenário, figuram, ainda, como atores a adotar estratégias lobbying, as organizações do emergente Terceiro Setor. No Brasil, a prática de lobbying apresenta-se pendente de regulamentação. No entanto, sua fisiologia encontra, na Constituição Federal de 1988, tratamento jurídico-constitucional. Sua proteção é observada quando do reconhecimento da cidadania e do pluralismo político como fundamentos do Estado Democrático de Direito, bem como a partir da dimensão democrática participativa, expressa pela CF/88. A fundamentalidade do lobbying do Terceiro Setor decorre, ainda, da afirmação de direitos e garantias fundamentais, entre eles: (a) liberdade de reunião; (b) liberdade de associação; (c) direito de se informar; (d) direito à informação; (e) direito de opinião e liberdade de manifestação de pensamento; (f) liberdade de manifestação de atividade intelectual, científica e outras; e (g) direito de petição. Quanto aos limites a tal prática, eles são percebidos nos próprios dispositivos constitucionais a lhe garantirem a referida proteção. Das liberdades de reunião e associação, deduz-se que o lobbying desenvolvido por organizações do Terceiro Setor deve ser realizado para fins lícitos. Já da cidadania compreendida essa como um dever de solidariedade para com os demais membros da sociedade , decorre o entendimento de que o Terceiro Setor, em uma ação de lobbying, deve estar atento aos anseios da sociedade, como aqueles expressos entre os objetivos fundamentais da nossa república federativa. Outro limite ao lobbying do Terceiro Setor consiste na igualdade política para a qual todos são dotados de iguais direitos e liberdades no desenvolvimento de uma ação política. Assim, nenhuma ação de lobbying desenvolvida por organizações integrantes do Terceiro Setor poderia ser engendrada de maneira a eliminar ou impedir a participação de outros grupos de interesses, contrapostos ou não, pois o dissenso consiste em um elemento essencial da nossa democracia pluralista.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T12:54:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAO_JURACI GUIMARAES JUNIOR.pdf: 1228773 bytes, checksum: b734e287f93009610a0ea40190ad0ee2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-30 / The possibility and intensity of judicial review of participatory democracy in the popular initiative bill from the judgment by the Supreme Court of the Brasil of LC 135-2010, Law of Clean Record. After dealing the concept and evolution of direct and representative democracy to participatory democracy. Analyze the contours of democracy in the Brasil Federal Constitution of 1988 and the tension between democracy and the rule of law. Discuss to the various theoretical approaches to democratic deliberative aspects proceduralists and substantialists. The second step is to describe the political rights as fundamental rights, its concept, features and restrictions procedure. In a third step we discuss the legitimacy of judicial review in a democracy, addressing the various existing currents and contextualizing the legal reality and brazilian politics. Finally, it explains on the LC 135-2010, its participatory democratic formation and critically analyzes the reasons for the decision of the Brasil Supreme Court which ruled their (in) constitutionality. / A possibilidade e intensidade do controle judicial da democracia participativa no projeto de lei de iniciativa popular, a partir do julgamento pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal da Lei da Ficha Limpa. Inicialmente, aborda-se o conceito e evolução da democracia direta e representativa até a democracia participativa. Analisa-se os contornos da democracia na Constituição Federal de 1988 e a tensão entre a democracia e o Estado de Direito. Debata-se as diversas correntes teóricas democráticas até as vertentes deliberativas procedimentalistas e substancialistas. O segundo momento consiste em descrever os direitos políticos como direitos fundamentais, seu conceito, características e procedimento de restrição. Em um terceiro momento discute-se a legitimidade do controle judicial de constitucionalidade numa democracia, abordando as diversas correntes existentes e as contextualizando na realidade jurídica e política brasileira. Por fim, explana-se sobre a Lei da Ficha Limpa, sua formação democrática participativa e se analisa criticamente os fundamentos da decisão do Supremo Tribunal Federal que julgou a sua (in)constitucionalidade.