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As a crisis of representation challenges third wave democracies, two of its most salient indicators – weak party institutionalization and the underrepresentation of marginalized groups – have thus far been evaluated only in isolation. This dissertation contends that the two dynamics are related, and uses extensive variation within Brazil, the third wave's most populous democracy, to analyze the relationship. Employing an original empirical database of 21,478 candidacies, 73 interviews, and field observations from throughout Brazil, I explain how voters, electoral rules, and parties interact to undermine women's political participation and representative democracy. Despite socioeconomic progress, an effective women's movement, an electorate increasingly receptive to female politicians, and a legislated gender quota, Brazil ranks poorly in global assessments of women's legislative presence. Using mixed methods, this dissertation analyzes variation in women's electoral performance across districts, electoral rules, parties, and women to explain the puzzle of women's underrepresentation in Brazil. I argue that the weakly institutionalized and male dominant character of most Brazilian parties has undermined the quota while also hindering women's political prospects and circumscribing their pathways to power. I subject the hypotheses of the women's representation literature and my own arguments to empirical testing and find that Brazil's female political aspirants are thwarted not by development level, electoral size, or ideology, but rather by the preponderance of inchoate and male-led parties. The analysis demonstrates that to effectively promote women's participation in candidate-centered elections, parties must have the capacity to provide women with essential psychological, organizational, and material support and the will, heralded by the party leadership, to do so. The paucity of such support and persistence of traditional gender norms have led Brazil's few female politicians to craft novel profiles; by conforming to traditional gender norms as supermadres, or converting social, organizational, or professional experiences into political capital as lutadoras or technocrats, such women have nonetheless thrived in inhospitable electoral contexts. I conclude that reforms that strengthen parties while incentivizing the promotion of women's participation within parties offer the greatest potential for mitigating Brazil's crisis of representation, situating once more the goals of the women's movement within the broader democratic reform agenda. / text

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:14:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5537.pdf: 1932064 bytes, checksum: 3125235f7283d6fb36e1dce9ab252c09 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-07-29 / Universidade Federal de Sao Carlos / The main purpose in this thesis is to analyse the candidate selection process for Federal Deputy in Brazil in the 2010 elections within four parties: DEM, PMDB, PSDB e PT. Heretofore, the study of candidate selection in our country have privileged the formal dimension of selection, like party´s statutes analysis or regional dinamics. In the other hand, except for some exceptions, the conclusions pointed out the impact of brazilian institutional design in candidate selection, undervaluing parties as autonomus units in the process. Therefore, from data about candidacy gathered at the Electoral Supreme Court and a survey applied to one hundred and twenty candidates, we tried to sketch the candidate selection process at the intra-party arena. The conclusions suggests that political parties are capable in divert from institucional incentives and choose candidates by different methods regarding the strenght and direction of the institutionalization. Hence, the different methods bring relevant consequences for the candidates profiles as well for the parties themselves. / O objetivo central desta tese é analisar o processo de seleção de candidatos a Deputado Federal no Brasil durante as eleições de 2010 em quatro partidos: DEM; PMDB; PSDB e PT. Até então, os estudos sobre seleção de candidatos em nosso país privilegiaram aspectos formais da seleção, como análise dos estatutos de partidos ou processos regionais. Por outro lado, salvo algumas exceções, o enfoque para as conclusões sobre a seleção de candidatos esteve sempre nos impactos do desenho institucional brasileiro, subvalorizando os partidos como unidades autônomas no processo. Assim, a partir de dados das candidaturas fornecidos pelo Tribunal Superior Eleitoral e de um survey aplicado a cento e vinte candidatos, buscamos traçar o processo de seleção privilegiando a arena intrapartidária. As conclusões sugerem que os partidos são capazes de contornar o sistema de incentivos institucionais e selecionar seus candidatos por processos diferenciados entre si tendo em vista sua força e direção de institucionalização e que produzem consequências importantes para os perfis dos candidatos, bem como para os partidos em si.

The article tries to explain the performance of peruvian incumbent parties in the immediate electoral process after their term. To do this, the limitations of two possible explanations are explored: retrospective voting and party institutionalization. Against this, the article proposes that, to explain the peruvian government parties poor performance, it is necessary to stressed the importance of the party leader and the presidential candidate. These are key factors that can affect the electoral chances of the Peruvian ruling party in a high caudillism. / El presente artículo busca explicar el pobre desempeño de los partidos de gobiernos peruanos en los procesos electorales inmediatamente posteriores a su mandato. Para ello, se exploran las limitaciones de dos posibles explicaciones: el voto retrospectivo y la institucionalización partidaria. Frente a esto, el artículo propone que, para explicar los malos resultados obtenidos es preciso revisar el rol del líder partidario y la importancia del candidato presidencial. Ambos resultan factores fundamentales que pueden afectar las oportunidades electorales del partido de gobierno en un contexto de alto caudillismo como el peruano.

All the youth political organizations, that were included in his research, aimed to provide its political parties with the function of party stabilization, They acted as a mediator between political party and the defined part of society. There is an assumption, that institutionalized political party wants a strong and durable relationship with the affiliated organization because of its mutually beneficial functions. Moreover, these parties should also aim to formalize this relationship via its statutes. However, in the Czech Republic there is a strong tendency toward omitting this form of relationship as the parties prefer more informal relations. This diploma thesis discovered, that in the only youth political organization with formal ties to its maternal organization was Young Social Democrats. Even though these youth political parties act lice a support structure, they can be also perceived by political party as a potential source of instability and danger.