國立西南聯合大學（簡稱「西南聯大」或「聯大」）是與抗戰相始終的大學。它以戰時教育聞名，成立於抗戰初期（1938 年），由國立北京大學、國立清華大學和私立南開大學聯合組成，抗戰結束後三校解散北歸（1946 年），各自復校。日本的入侵和國家的貧弱，聯大師生共有的民族情感，聯大民主自由的人文環境和「雲南王」龍雲對戰時民主力量的保護等因素，合力構成了聯大地下黨統戰工作的發展空間。這一發展空間與重要的歷史事件的時間點（如1941 年1 月「皖南事變」、1945 年8 月「抗戰勝利」和10 月「龍雲下台」）一起，構成了一個國共角逐的時空。 / 中共中央和南方局對地下黨組織統戰工作的重視和具體指導的時間恰是在聯大成立初期；在聯大中期，為適應局勢，爭取大多數「中間派師生」的支持，中共先後製定了「十六字」方針（即「蔭蔽精幹，長期埋伏，積蓄力量，以待時機」）和「三勤」（即「勤學」、「勤業」、「勤交友」）政策；在聯大後期，中共統戰的方針政策在實踐中得到檢驗，取得成效。 / 聯大地下黨的統戰工作是中共雲南省工作委員會（簡稱「雲南省工委」）統戰工作的重要組成部分。南方局和雲南省工委統戰工作的重點是介於國共兩黨間的「中間力量」。聯大地下黨統戰的人群以聯大師生為主，他們用知識份子所能接受的語言和交友方式對其做統戰工作，突出中共是眾望所歸的力量。一方面，地下黨人以「民族主義」和「愛國」來把如聯大教授等「中間力量」團結起來，通過組織集會探討時事以引發高級知識份子思考抗戰失利、貪污腐敗、物價飛漲、民不聊生的根源，由此孤立國民黨。另一方面，聯大地下黨人在品學兼優的基礎上，以「中間學生」的姿態出現，為聯大同學辦實事（如解決吃飯難問題），由此贏得了大多數「中間學生」的好感。如果說在雲南民主運動高潮到來前，聯大地下黨對「中間派師生」的統戰成效限於潛移默化的影響，那麼在1944-1946年民主運動高潮來臨時，其統戰成效已體現為促使「中間派師生」走出書齋，用文字和行動來爭取「民主與和平」，反抗國民黨當局的獨裁專制。 / 誠然，在四十年代中期，「中間力量」所認同的是介於美蘇政治體制間的「第三條道路」。因此，雲南省工委和聯大地下黨通過扛起「民族主義」和「新民主」的旗幟將聯大師生等「中間力量」凝聚在一起，在孤立國民黨的同時，促使「中間力量」放棄「第三條道路」，服膺於「新民主主義」的「革命」之路。無疑，毛澤東的話語吸引了愛國的知識份子群體，使其感到儘管中共提倡的「新民主」並非西方強調的「民主」，但卻是一條可行的救國之路，「中間力量」感到可參與其中，輔助中共並影響其決策，甚至共同決定中國未來發展的方向。的確，大多數的聯大師生等「中間力量」對於中共及其所提倡的「新民主」是有期待的。南方局、雲南省工委和聯大地下黨的統戰成效亦於此可見。 / 然而，本文也提及，在中共成為執政黨後，當「中間力量」對「革命」勝利發揮作用的歷史使命完成後，受西方教育理念影響的知識份子的「自由主義」與中共的「思想統整」間的弔詭性矛盾即被凸顯。因此，在中共建國後，對知識份子的思想改造不可避免，在這個靈魂改造的過程中，受沖擊的不僅僅是聯大師生 等「中間力量」，即使雲南省工委和聯大地下黨人亦不能幸免。 / 事實上，聯大地下黨對聯大師生等「中間力量」的統戰工作的深遠影響並未隨著聯大的解體和新中國的成立而結束。聯大地下黨人及其統戰對象聯大「中間派師生」，在經歷了新中國對知識份子的思想改造運動後，如何反思民族主義、革命與民主的關係亦值得作進一步的梳理和檢討。這是本文的一個後續研究方向。 / "The emergence of National South-west Associated University (hereafter abbreviated as NSAU) coincided roughly with the war of the Chinese resistance to Japanese aggression. Because of the Marco Polo Bridge (Lugou Qiao) incident on 7 July 1937 and the subsequent Japanese invasion of China, three renowned universities of north China, Peking University, Tsinghua University and Nankai University, were consolidated into one temporary university, National Changsha Temporary University (hereafter abbreviated as NCTU), by the Ministry of Education and relocated to Changsha in 1937. At the end of 1937, Nanjing fell, and Wuhan was in crisis, NCTU was forced to move again then to Yunnan province in 1938 and changed its name to NSAU. NSAU, known as an exemplar of wartime education in modern China history, is an important arena of the Chinese Communist Party’s (hereafter abbreviated as CCP) United Front activities between 1938-1946. A number of factors such as Japanese invasion, the country’s poverty and weakness, the sense of nationalism of the University’s teachers and students, the humanistic environment of democracy and freedom of the University, and the protection of the democratic forces by the “King of Yunnan” Long Yun during war times had combined to form a space for the development of the underground CCP's United Front activities in NSAU. / NSAU, known as an exemplar of wartime education in modern China history, is an important arena of the Chinese Communist Party’s (hereafter abbreviated as CCP) United Front activities between 1938-1946. A number of factors such as Japanese invasion, the country’s poverty and weakness, the sense of nationalism of the University’s teachers and students, the humanistic environment of democracy and freedom of the University, and the protection of the democratic forces by the “King of Yunnan” Long Yun during war times had combined to form a space for the development of the underground CCP's United Front activities in NSAU. / NSAU’s underground party’s United Front work was an important part of the Southern Bureau’s and the CCP Yunnan Work Committee's activities. The Southern Bureau was in charge of the underground party branches in Chiang Kai-shek’s districts. The United Front work of the Southern Bureau and the CCP Yunnan Work Committee focused on “the third force” or “the middle force”. In order to win the support of almost all intellectuals especially NSAU’s students and professors, Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai separately formulated the Sixteen-Character Guideline of the CCP’s underground party work: Hiding Elites (yinbi jinggan), Long-term Ambushes (changqi maifu), Saving Force (jixu liliang) and Waiting for the Opportunity (yidai shiji) and the policy of the Three Diligences that refers to Working with Diligence, Studying with Diligence, and Making friends with Diligence. The policy of the Three Diligences was the concrete application of the Sixteen-Character Guideline, according to Zhou Enlai’s idea. / NSAU’s underground party undertook United Front work to influence “the middle force” by cultural activities, propaganda skills and the ways of making friends that were accepted by most of the intellectuals, and stressed that CCP could meet the expectations of the patriotic masses in China. On the one hand,the Communists united “the middle force” such as NSAU’s professors who adhered to nationalism and patriotism, and isolated the Nationalists by organizing rallies and discussing current events, and then led the senior intellectuals to believe that the root cause of the defeat in the anti-Japanese war, corruption, soaring prices and hardship suffered by people wasGuomindang, the Nationalist Party. On the other hand, NSAU’s underground party members, who excelled others in both morals and studies, solved practical problems for their classmates (such as the lack of food), thus winning most of their classmates’ support. / Admittedly “the middle force” was identified with “the third way” whose political stand was between the American and Soviet models in mid-1940s. But the CCP Yunnan Work Committee and NSAU’s underground party combined elements of “the middle force” such as NSAU’s students and professors to isolate the Guomindang, and prompted them to give up “the third way” and believe in the revolutionary way of New Democracy. / There is no doubt that Mao Zedong’s words moved the patriotic intellectuals and made them feel that although the New Democracy advocated by CCP was not Western democracy, it was a feasible way to save the country, and these intellectuals and democrats could participate in and influence the CCP’s decisions on the developmental direction of China in the future. Indeed, most of followers of “the middle force” such as NSAU’s teachers and students believed in both CCP and its New Democracy. In this sense, it is obvious that the United Front activities of the Southern Bureau, the CCP Yunnan Work Committee and NSAU’s underground party were highly effective. / This thesis also mentions that, however, after CCP became the ruling party and “the middle force” had completed its historical mission of being an important ally and follower of CCP in the revolutionary victory, the paradoxical contradiction between the liberal intellectuals influenced by Western value on the one side, and CCP, on the other, became notable. Therefore, a movement of thought reform for intellectuals had to be launched after the founding of the People's Republic of China. In this campaign to reform the soul, those purged were not only “the middle force” including NSAU’s students and professors, but even the CCP Yunnan Work Committee and NSAU’s underground party members. / In fact, the profound influence of NSAU’s underground party’s United Front work on “the middle force” did not end with the disbandment of NSAU and the establishment of new China. After the movement of thought reform for intellectuals, how the former NSAU’s underground party members and their targets of United Front work (i.e., the former NSAU’s teachers and students of “the middle force”) reflected upon the relations between nationalism, revolution and democracy is worth further examination and review. This will be one of the dimensions of a follow-up study of this dissertation. / 劉宇. / Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2016. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 339-365). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on September 8, 2017). / Liu Yu . / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study aimed to analyze the relation between the third party work regarding the cleaning industry and casualization. This study was carried out in the context of the 2000‟s during the PT federal governments. It was taken into consideration the increasing in the formal work that consequently increased the third party works during this period and; in sequence, it was made an attempt to understand if this type of work allowed an economic and social growth for the workers or if it improved their condition of vulnerability. To do so, this research was carried out in two moments: first, it was done a statistical and descriptive survey about the third party work in Brazil, especially regarding the city of Santa Maria/RS, in order to verify the location and extension of this phenomenon in the period of 2004 to 2014. Secondly, observations and interviews were carried out with workers from the third party cleaning industry in Santa Maria/RS, to analyze their work and life conditions. The collected data allowed us to identify that the third party work, regarding the cleaning industry, has casualization characteristics such as low payments, instability, no health insurance and workplace safety; third party workers are treated differently from the permanent ones; and there are impairment of the relations and the social invisibility happens as well. The third party work presents itself as a two-way street . Despite the negative effects and all vulnerability that it represents, it was observed that having a formal work register meant an advance to such workers because, the great majority, used to work informally or receiving a salary without any registration. Thus, it is understood that the third party work, in the 2000‟s during the PT federal governments, represents the precarious formality (SOUZA, 2012). In other words, in spite of being considered a formal work, the workers are submitted to precarious work conditions (which go beyond the labor market) and such conditions are disguised behind the so-called formal work register. / Esse estudo buscou analisar a relação entre a terceirização no setor de limpeza e a precarização do trabalho. O contexto dessa pesquisa é o dos anos 2000, sob a égide dos governos federais do PT. Tendo em vista que, nesse período, houve crescimento do trabalho formal e isso acarretou, também, no aumento de postos de trabalho terceirizados, buscou-se compreender se esse tipo de trabalho permitiu crescimento econômico e social dos trabalhadores ou se retroalimentou sua condição de vulnerabilidade. Para tanto, essa pesquisa foi realizada em dois momentos: primeiramente, foi realizado um levantamento estatístico-descritivo da terceirização no Brasil, e particularmente, em Santa Maria/RS, para verificar a localização e extensão desse fenômeno no período de 2004 a 2014. Na sequência, foram realizadas observações e entrevistas com mulheres, funcionárias terceirizadas do setor de limpeza de Santa Maria/RS, para analisar suas condições de trabalho e vida. Os dados levantados permitiram identificar que o trabalho terceirizado, no setor de limpeza, possui características de precarização, tais como: baixa remuneração; instabilidade; desproteção quanto à saúde e segurança no trabalho; diferença de tratamento entre efetivos e terceirizados; enfraquecimento dos laços e invisibilidade social para os trabalhadores terceirizados. No entanto, o trabalho terceirizado mostrou-se uma via de mão dupla . Apesar de todos os seus efeitos negativos e de toda a vulnerabilidade que este representa, observou-se que a posse da carteira de trabalho significou um avanço para as trabalhadoras terceirizadas do setor da limpeza, que, em sua maioria, trabalhavam anteriormente como informais ou como assalariadas sem carteira assinada. Compreende-se, assim, que o trabalho terceirizado, no contexto dos anos 2000, sob a égide dos governos federais do PT, representa a formalidade precária (SOUZA, 2012). Isto é, ainda que seja um trabalho formal, os trabalhadores estão submetidos à condições precárias de trabalho (que refletem além da esfera laboral) e que se escondem por trás da carteira assinada.

動員是否可以作為一種解決公共問題的治理手段？本文基於改變他人行為的三種基本要素：交換、強制、動員，重新界定了中文語境中的動員概念，進而提出了一套新的關於解決公共問題治理風格的分析框架。在不同的條件下，三種基本要素不同程度的混合運用產生了動員式治理、科層制管理、市場化處理三種治國理政風格理想類型，它們在行為動機的理性化程度、組織機構的科層化程度、解決公共問題的分工與專業化程度三個維度上相互區別開來。 / 運用這一理論分析框架，作者比較了中國共產黨在革命、建政、改革三個歷史時期治理風格的變化及其原因。中國共產黨政治地位的轉變改變了其自身組織結構特性，這一核心因素與黨在不同歷史時期中心任務的調整及指導思想的變化，決定了其對動員、強制、交換等不同手段的取捨與搭配。革命年代訓練出來的群眾動員技巧與工作方法在中國共產黨取得執政地位後，仍舊是行之有效的治理手段，並且它與群眾路線構成了中國共產黨執政合法性的重要來源。但是，隨著執政黨所能動用的強制能力與物質資源的增長，以及黨組織自身的日益科層化，在改革開放時期，動員逐漸被有意識的弱化，由此也造成了中國共產黨在日常群眾工作和社會控制方面的衰退。 / Can mobilization be adopted as a means of governing to address the public issues? This thesis reconceptualizes the term ‘mobilization’ in the Chinese context based on three basic factors that alter human behaviors, namely, exchange, coercion, and mobilization. It puts forward a novel analytic framework of governing styles to solve the public issues. Under different circumstances, the configuration of the three basic factors adopted to different degrees will generate three ideal governing styles, that is, mobilized governance, bureaucratic management, and market-based settlement. These three ideal governing styles can be differentiated in three dimensions: the rationality of the behavior’s motives, the hierarchy of the organization, and the specialized division of labor in solving the public issues. / Using this theoretical framework for analysis, the author compared the changes of the governing styles of the Communist Party of China in three historical periods - revolution era, Maoist era, and reform era, and explored the reasons of the changes. The change of the party’s political status altered the characteristics of its organizational structures. This core factor, together with the adjustment of the central tasks and the changes of the guiding thoughts in the party during different historical periods, determined how these means such as mobilization, coercion and exchange were selected and combined. Mass mobilization techniques and working styles obtained in the revolution era remained effective after the party took its ruling position, and it constituted a major legitimate basis of the party’s ruling of the country together with the faithful pursuit of effective ‘mass line’ tactics. However, as the party’s coercion capacity and material resources grew over the years and it was getting more hierarchical, mobilization has been weakened and ignored, which led to the gradual failing of the party’s daily mass work and social control. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 汪衛華. / "2013年7月". / "2013 nian 7 yue". / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 179-191). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Wang Weihua. / 內容摘要 --- p.i / 绪 言 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 本文主题与研究目的 --- p.1 / Chapter 二、 --- 城市动迁的悲喜剧 --- p.3 / 《蜗居》：强制拆迁悲剧 --- p.3 / 《乔迁之喜》：动迁本来面目 --- p.6 / Chapter 三、 --- 动迁=“动员搬迁 --- p.8 / Chapter 第一章 --- 作为工作方法的动员：概念与分析框架 --- p.12 / Chapter 一、 --- 动员三义 --- p.12 / Chapter 二、 --- 交换 --- p.17 / Chapter 三、 --- 解决公共问题的三种手段 --- p.19 / Chapter 四、 --- 作为集体行动的社会动员 --- p.25 / Chapter 五、 --- 作为发展手段的社会动员 --- p.28 / Chapter 六、 --- 常规政治与动员政治 --- p.30 / Chapter 第二章 --- 中国共产党的社会动员 --- p.36 / Chapter 一、 --- 群众运动与社会动员 --- p.36 / Chapter 二、 --- 群众路线与社会动员 --- p.39 / 发动者 --- p.40 / 发动者与动员对象的关系 --- p.42 / 动员对象--群众 --- p.43 / Chapter 三、 --- 阶级分析与社会动员 --- p.45 / 阶级情感 --- p.46 / 情感与利益 --- p.47 / Chapter 四、 --- 组织特性与社会动员 --- p.50 / Chapter 五、 --- 客观条件 --- p.53 / Chapter 六、 --- 微观机制与宏观效果：纵向历史比较的价值 --- p.57 / Chapter 第三章 --- 动员之起：从对抗政治到非对抗政治 --- p.61 / Chapter 一、 --- 安源经验：组织核心与动员技巧 --- p.61 / Chapter 二、 --- 农民运动：有组织动员与自发暴力 --- p.69 / Chapter 三、 --- 查田运动：社会动员 --- p.76 / 查田运动 --- p.77 / 群众工作方法 --- p.81 / “左倾偏向 --- p.83 / 基本经验：通过乡村基层政权网络进行社会动员 --- p.85 / Chapter 四、 --- 延安道路：中共群众动员模式的定型 --- p.89 / 延安道路 --- p.89 / 抗战背景下党组织的发展 --- p.91 / 动员式治理的初步实践：大生产与减租减息 --- p.99 / “大胆放手 --- p.103 / Chapter 五、 --- 本章小结 --- p.108 / Chapter 第四章 --- 动员之承：动员式治理与科层化 --- p.112 / Chapter 一、 --- 动员式治理主导地位的确立：客观条件与主动选择 --- p.113 / 以动员式治理为主导的客观条件 --- p.114 / 对动员式治理的主动选择 --- p.117 / Chapter 二、 --- 动员组织与科层化的党和国家：矛盾的结合体 --- p.121 / 三重矛盾 --- p.122 / 两种组合 --- p.127 / Chapter 三、 --- 动员青年建设边疆：动员治理与科层管理结合的经验 --- p.129 / 青年垦荒队的示范意义与实际效果 --- p.129 / 大跃进时期的支边移民 --- p.132 / Chapter 四、 --- 作为参照的水库移民：欠制度化 --- p.137 / 前三十年水库移民概况 --- p.137 / 水库移民返迁问题 --- p.139 / Chapter 五、 --- 动员失灵？案例比较与本章小结 --- p.142 / Chapter 第五章 --- 动员之转：群众路线言与行 --- p.145 / Chapter 一、 --- 不再发动群众的群众路线 --- p.145 / Chapter 二、 --- 《人民日报》中反映出的变化 --- p.147 / Chapter 三、 --- 组织基础的变化 --- p.153 / 党员队伍的过度壮大 --- p.153 / 基层组织的转型 --- p.154 / 向专业化迈进 --- p.157 / Chapter 四、 --- 上海城市居民委员会变迁的实例：再行政化？ --- p.158 / 改革开放前的上海城市居委会 --- p.158 / “两级政、三级管理与“四级网络 --- p.161 / 居民委员会的功能转型 --- p.165 / Chapter 五、 --- 本章小结 --- p.169 / Chapter 第六章 --- 重拾群众动员？结论与展望 --- p.170 / 人民主体地位，人民首创精神：官方话语回归的信号 --- p.171 / 动员何以重要 --- p.172 / 动员传统还可能恢复吗？ --- p.174 / 替代方案？ --- p.177 / 参考文献 --- p.179

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University of Macau / Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities / Department of Government and Public Administration