Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1948. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. "Bibliographical essay" : leaves [304]-333.

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The decade of the 2000s witnessed a series of events that challenged traditional notions of America as an "exceptional" nation, one that had withstood or escaped the crises that toppled other global forces until the United States remained the final superpower. These ten years opened with a presidential election decided not by the Electoral College but by the Supreme Court, advanced through terrorist attacks on home soil and the devastating ramifications of military, policy, and moral reevaluation in their wake, to reach a close in the worst failure of capitalism since the Great Depression. Newly identified terror networks "hated" the American way. While the world had momentarily agreed with the headline on the front page of Le Monde, "Nous sommes tous Américains," within a year most of them refused to join the "Coalition of the Willing." Uncertainty about who "we the people" were when under duress provoked the collective to search for reinforcement of the value of their union in this Union. At this conjuncture, as it had during such cycles in the past, the nation sought both to find reassurance and to reassert a sense of control through exercises of both government and governmentality with that element of the other and the outside that was the closest to within: immigrants and the processes of immigration. This project considers not the figural "person" of the citizen or immigrant, but rather a number of exemplary "thresholds" across which immigrants (real and imagined) cross on their way to becoming citizens (real or imagined). It is my contention that the transition between immigrancy and citizenship powers this dialectic, and thus that the form of these transitions is where rhetoric accomplishes its work. That work fashions a "national fantasy," or an imaginary reserve in which the body politic stores up the affective energy necessary to gather political force toward materializing boundaries of belonging through the (at least tacit) approval of public policy. Rhetoric names the modus operendi at work cathecting the citizen to the nation, attaching individuated emotional investment to the assumed relation that fabricates "America." Ultimately, I make an intervention in that relation by suggesting that national fantasy is frail in the best possible way, such that it may be rhetorically realigned to new purpose. I have chosen to consider a diversity of thresholds across which this transition is symbolically enacted: in the institutional context of law and bureaucracy of the Naturalization Exam, in the historical matrix of materiality and memory of documentary films about Ellis Island, and in the cinematic spectacle of popular culture through the movie Gangs of New York. By reading across and within these case studies in rhetorical form, I engage questions about how American identity is coalesced through enduring expectations of national selves and foreign others. Most broadly, I focus on these mythic transitions as a way to recuperate two terms long-embattled and considered discredited by many in the critical humanities: "nation" and "patriotism." How is a love of nation constituted, perpetuated, and deployed in and by these processes? How do narratives enable both predictable outcomes and creative resistance? How do political actors make use of these rhetorical possibilities in accomplishing their material goals? And most importantly, in what way does a reconsideration of the rhetorical transitions from immigrancy to citizenship as well as from citizenship to immigrancy allow us to re-theorize, re-imagine, re-present, and most important re-practice how nation and patriotism might be-other-wise?

<p>Chinese international students make up the largest group of international students in the United States, especially in the higher education sector. In the context of rising patriotism and nationalism in the China and the U.S. accompanied by deteriorating China-U.S. relationship and some recent incidents that showed Chinese international students’ intense patriotic sentiments, this study explored the ways in which Chinese international students in U.S. higher education perceive patriotism. More specifically, the study aims to answer two research questions: 1. How do Chinese international students in the U.S. conceptualize patriotism? 2. What are the factors that impact Chinese international students’ construction of patriotism? </p> <p>The study adopted phenomenography as the research methodology and recruited 15 participants with varied backgrounds from a Midwest University. In-depth interviews were conducted and analyzed to generate the different categories that described ways of perceiving patriotism. The findings demonstrated five categories of patriotism: irrational patriotism, extreme patriotism, identity patriotism, constructive patriotism and cosmopolitan patriotism. The five categories had complex relationships with identity patriotism at the core. The study also revealed that Chinese international students’ construction of patriotism was impacted by formal education, extracurricular activities, media propaganda, family’s influence, Chinese culture, and their own life experiences. This study revealed the dynamic and multifaceted political stances of Chinese international students and offered more explanations for their patriotic behaviors instead of portraying them as the brainwashed generation. Practical implications and recommendations for future research were offered based on the findings of this study.</p>

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Throughout the first half of the nineteenth century, decorum called for the veneration of past presidents as devoted patriots. The terms "sage" and "statesman," which became synonymous with patriotism, riddled the remembrances of every president during this period. The Civil War, however, marked a significant shift in national meanings of patriotism. Civic virtue and morality gave way to post-Civil War ideals of warrior heroism. No longer would presidents simply be expected to maintain virtue and character; rather, they were to exhibit the heroism of Civil War soldiers. For those presidents who did not meet the public's new patriotic criteria, their once untouchable legacies became contested terrain. This thesis explores how changing definitions of patriotism influenced the public's consideration of and relationship with presidents, and how the former leaders — as well as their families and supporters — manipulated the nation's collective memory of their lives and administrations. It specifically focuses on James Buchanan (d. 1 June 1868), whose administration not only preceded the Civil War but also bore the brunt of post-Civil War opprobrium. Buchanan and his descendents repeatedly sought to refute the public's disparaging "verdict of history," which criticized the former president's passivity in response to secession as evidence of his lack of patriotism. Over time, various forms of monuments and memorials arose in an attempt to counteract this criticism. This thesis demonstrates that as the Civil War influenced meanings of patriotism, presidents and their descendants took measures to control public memory via increasingly innovative and elaborate forms of memorialization. / Master of Arts

The thesis is a theological enquiry into the nature of human affections (or ‘emotions’), their role in morality and their significance for political relations. The argument builds critically on the work of cognitivist theorists of emotion, such as Martha Nussbaum, who oppose both rationalist disavowals of the reasonableness of emotion and empiricist fascination with physical sensation. Nussbaum holds that emotions’ intentional (object-directed), evaluative quality indicates a cognitive aptitude. Using the language of ‘affection’, the argument shows how this aptitude shapes individuals’ and communities’ interrelation with their diverse systems of valuation, the created, vindicated moral order and creation’s God. Drawing on phenomenological and spiritual approaches, the endurance of affection is accounted for through the connection of memory and affection while virtue is assigned a secondary place as a fragmentary and less reliable contributor to such endurance. Affections emerge as the beginnings of attracted understanding concerning the world as it appears, the world as it is and the world as it will be, recognitions of value which are open to intersubjective discussion and initiate moral reflection and deliberation. Jonathan Edwards’ account of affections is found epistemologically and ethically implausible but his doctrine of excellency is adopted to interpret the nature of affections’ endurance and eschatological participation in the moral order. With particular attention to joy, shame, anger and awe, the intersubjective, affective dimension of political life is then explored through consideration of certain institutions, practices and traditions of modern political societies, ancient Israel and the early church as represented in Luke and Acts. Affective wisdom within institutions of political representation and law are considered in light of secular and Christian political eschatologies. Findings from this discussion then guide a conversation between European ‘constitutional patriotism’ and British conservatism which explores the connection between affections and locality. An account of national identity is given which takes localised affective understanding seriously yet relativises it in light of the transnational affective understandings which stem both from the international political system and from Christian faith. Finally, the role of churches’ affections within modern political society are discussed. Resources from the Lutheran tradition are utilised to examine the political significance of churches’ joyful praise of the crucified, risen Jesus Christ.

Since the end of the Second World War, the location of most interstate borders has been fixed.This suggests that the common phenomenon of ethnic groups partitioned by internationallyrecognized state borders is permanent. Nevertheless, a recurrent dream of 'redemption' (i.e. thebuilding of a self-ruling polity which unifies the separate segments) is capable of inciting patrioticmobilization even in the face of a very long period of unbroken partition. Little is knownabout this clash between dream and reality. How can an ethnoterritorial group which is apparentlypermanently partitioned between separate, sovereign states be redeemed? In seeking asolution to this puzzle, I attempt a Machiavellian type of analysis, defined as an approach whichcombines a patriotic perspective with a strategic view of the choice of specific means and endsin a way which is free of state-centrism. I also employ Machiavelli's theory-building method,which is a form of abduction.This study focuses on six aspects of the problem of partition and redemption: the territorialsetting, the historical process, partitioning state contexts, perceptions of partition and homelandmythology, strategies, and outcomes. Two instances are selected for case study and comparison:the Sami in northernmost Europe, and the Basques in Spain and France. Both groups arepartitioned between separate states, are a minority in each one, and lack control over all existingstate governments.The analysis reveals the unexpected result that the less numerous, greater dispersed, morepartitioned, and generally weaker Sami have been more successful in redemption than have theBasques. While the Sami have built common bodies which officially represent Sami in all fourpartitioning states, the Basques have only a limited transborder cooperation between the BasqueAutonomous Community (BAC) in Spain and non-Basque regional authorities in France. It ismore important to have compatible building blocks in each state (like the three Nordic SamiParliaments), than to have a single powerful one (like the BAC). Without fairly similar andharmonized partitioning states, like the Nordic countries, it is extremely difficult for transborderpolity-building to succeed. Another main conclusion, which disputes the findings of other research,is that redemption is possible even when a group remains partitioned, given that thegoal of statehood is abandoned in favour of a less ambitious transborder homerule. In order torealize this goal, the most generally applicable method is a stepwise strategy aimed at creatingcompatible building blocks in each state. A variant of this is the blueprint strategy, that is, usingan achievement in one state as a model for the struggle in other states. In contrast to nonparti -tioned groups, partitioned groups can refer to their own achievement in other states.The subject of interest here transcends the domestic-international divide. Similarly, theanalysis transcends academic boundaries, mainly those of political theory, international politicsand comparative politics. This combination provides a starting-point for further inquiry into thepattern of overlapping polities which is emerging, and of partition and redemption in particular. / digitalisering@umu

Purpose- The aim of this master’s thesis is to analyse the dichotomy between west and east and how this is seen in the following two libraries; Library of Congress (LC) and Bibliotheca Alexandrina (BA). I want to analyze if the portrait of east, as slow and hostile, and of west, as welcoming and forward, and how this, if at all, is actually seen in LC and BA. The presence and use of patriotism and nationalism in libraries is also examined. I asked myself the following questions: 1) How do LC and BA present themselves on their websites and how does this correspond to the dichotomy?, 2) How do LC and BA relate to patriotism on their websites?, and 3) Can one see what, if anything, LC and BA say about each other and how does this correspond to the dichotomy? These are questions that libraries world-wide might gain from to ponder, how and why, a western norm is almost always seen as superior to an eastern option.   Method- The approach was norm critical analysis of LC and BA’s websites. The method used was comparative text and image studies combined with netnography. Benedict Andersons and Jürgen Habermas’ theories about patriotism and nationalism was used, as well as Edward Saids Orient perspective. Andersons’ idea of an imagined community was also central.   Key Findings- The analysis shows that the dichotomy is actually the other way round, BA are the modern and welcoming ones, while LC are more traditional by way of expressing themselves. The dichotomy is also in some cases even very misleading of how the East is interpreted by the West. The conclusion is three major findings, 1) BA want to create and share knowledge both with each other and with the world as a whole, whilst LC is more about gathering knowledge and keeping this in the library for the sake of the United States welfare, 2) LC speak of themsleves as modern and of BA as ancient just as the dichotomy often display the two of them, but this is not a correct statement; BA has, for instance, modern western superheroes displayed on their website for children, while LC, on the other hand, has heroes such as the late American president Abraham Lincoln and American veterans on display for children (in other words, mostly an American perspective that one might find difficult to relate to if being a non-american citizen, while BA is more global with well-known cartoon figures), and lastly, 3) LC displays patriotism through stories of war by having a prominent section dedicated to American veterans on their website, while BA speaks more of a patriotism through a proud cultural heritage.   Originality/value- This kind of study had not been done before in LIS research.   Paper type- This is a two years master’s thesis in Library and Information Science (LIS) in Archive, Library and Museums studies

The overall aim of this thesis is to analyze the presence of nationalism and patriotism in the live reporting of the 2019–2020 season of the FIS Cross-Country World Cup, reported by the Swedish national public service broadcaster, SVT. Thereby, the following research questions have been constructed: 1. Are patriotism and nationalism to be found in the live reporting by SVT of the 2019– 2020 season of the FIS Cross-Country World Cup? 2. If found, how is it manifested? The theoretical framework of this thesis consists of banal nationalism, patriotism, framing and us and them theory. The investigation has been limited to studying one of the several disciplines of cross country competitions. The material has been collected through ethnographic observations of the recordings online. For analysis, critical discourse analysis has been applied. The study shows a strong presence of both banal nationalism and patriotism in the live reporting of SVT. This can be concluded by the identified discursive and social practices in the text, such as discourses regarding justice and Swedish centrism. The results of this thesis are of importance for further comparative research projects of ideological reporting as well for sports media consumers to understand how ideology affects the reporting of a public service broadcaster.