Den politiska rapporteringen i Kinas näst största nyhetstidning People’s Daily består enligt resultaten i vår studie nästan uteslutande av det styrande kommunistpartiets helt okritiskt vidarebefordrade propaganda. Journalisterna som skriver för Dagens Nyheter har däremot ett mycket lågt förtroende för den kinesiska regimen som de inte drar sig för att kritisera hårt. Vi fann det intressant att jämföra nyhetsdiskurser i svenska och kinesiska tidningar eftersom mediesystem till synes inte har något alls gemensamt. Vi ville ta reda på vilka eventuella skillnader som fanns i rapporteringen om den kinesiska regimen och vilka de bakomliggande orsakerna i så fall kunde tänkas vara. Artiklar som handlade om de senaste politiska ledarskiftena som publicerats i Dagens Nyheter och People’s Daily valdes därför som material till en kvalitativ analys. Den tidigare forskningen och det teoretiska ramverket som vi använde som stöd till våra reflektioner handlade både om hur ländernas mediesystem fungerar i allmänhet och om hur nyhetsvärderingen ser ut så att vi även skulle kunna analysera artiklarna på detaljnivå. Dagens Nyheter förmedlar alltså en negativ bild av den kinesiska regimen, medan dessa istället glorifieras i People’s Dailys redaktionella material. Det beror antagligen till stor del på att skillnaderna mellan de dominanta politiska ideologierna i länderna i allmänhet och i synnerhet gällande nyhetsmediernas funktioner är markanta. Pressfrihet kännetecknar de svenska medierna, medan de kinesiska motsvarigheterna istället fungerar som kommunistpartiets språkrör. Tidningarna anses från båda perspektiven stå i medborgarnas tjänst eftersom de på sina helt olika vis ska verka för att förbättra samhället.

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This is a content analysis of the Chinese news paper People’s Daily (Renmin Ribao 人民日报). It examines articles published by the People’s Daily reporting about Sweden in migration contexts between January 1980 and September 2015. The purpose of the project is to investigate changes over time when it comes to agenda-setting, together with which other countries Sweden is mentioned and framing used in the articles. The topics of the articles are listed and a deductive frame analysis is carried out, showing clear signs of changes over time. The data shows that there has been a shift from reporting on international disputes to reporting on Europe’s migration issues. From investigating with which other countries Sweden is mentioned, a conclusion can be drawn that Sweden is portrayed as a country that collaborates with the other European countries to a great extent. The data also shows that there is a low usage of the conflict frame, but a high usage the responsibility- and ­morality frames in the People’s Daily which is evidence of letting the ideology of the authors shine through. The People’s Daily shows signs of political correctness by shifting from a high usage of episodic framing to thematic framing.

This study examines how People's Daily portrayed tourism and minorities in its news coverage. The study includes both quantitative and qualitative components. The objective of the quantitative section is to determine in what contexts tourism appears in news reporting and whether the presence of these contexts has changed since the 1999 World Horticultural Exposition in Kunming. The objective of the qualitative section was to determine how the image of minorities is constructed in some of the identified media contexts and to what extent and in what ways the news reporting can be considered to have been stereotyped. The theoretical framework is based on critical discourse theory approaches. The results of the quantitative analysis showed that tourism appears in eight different media contexts, with the economic link being by far the most common. The results of the quantitative analysis also indicate that tourism reporting increased after the 1999 World Horticultural Exposition, but a strong correlation could not be established. The results of the qualitative analysis indicate that news coverage may be influenced to some extent by minority stereotypes.

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大躍進運動，貫徹烏托邦主義，結合毛澤東及其追隨者賦予的闡釋，加上嚴格管制的官方宣傳體系與人民對理想的渴望，演變為大規模集體狂熱運動。對共產主義世界、烏托邦理想的期待與將國家推往急速發展的思想，這種思想化為多樣化的語言論述，藉由傳媒大肆散佈，並形成獨樹一幟的語言風格。 本研究分為五個章節，除導論簡述本文研究要旨外，首先將說明革命語言與中國共產黨之關聯性，定義革命語言的基本內涵，並說明中共革命語言的形成。其次說明中共宣傳的策略與手段，對意識形態及語言的散播發生何種影響。而後進入研究核心，以《人民日報》、《紅旗》文獻與《紅旗歌謠》新民歌，歸納大躍進革命語言的構成內容，並依據前文歸納，分析革命語言的特徵。 / The Great Leap Forward carried out Utopia doctrine, combined the explanation that Mao Zedong and his followers offered to, in addition, the official propaganda system that control strictly and aspiration of the people about ideal, developed into extensive collective's fanatic movement. The expectation of communist world and Utopia ideal, thought of push the country to develop rapidly, the thought turned into variety of languages, spread out by the media, and formed the language style of taking the course of its own. This research is divided into five chapters, except that the introduction, at first will prove the relation of revolutionary language and the CCP, define the basic intension of the revolutionary language, and explain the forming revolutionary language of CCP. Secondly, to show that CCP’s propaganda tactics and means how influenced ideology and language. And then enter the core of studying, in the documents of " People's Daily ", "Red Flag "'and new folk songs of " Red Flag Ballad ", sum up the composition content of the revolutionary language of the Great Leap Forward, and according to preceding paragraphs, analyze the characteristic of the revolutionary language.