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Traditional models including the factionalism, professionalism, and the symbiosis models have helped the field for over two decades to study civil-military relations in China. New conditions of the 90s and beyond, however, have required new tools for examining this issue. Approaching China's civil-military relations from multiple approaches to include PLA conservative nationalism is better than using one explanation to understand China's civil-military relations. / text

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This thesis shows that the doctrine of Active Defence has been the overriding concern of the PLA since 1950 and not any form of People’s War. Active Defence is based on three basic principles: no provocation of other nations; no bases anywhere on foreign soil; and no seizure of territory. The PLA’s articulated doctrine in the 1950s was to ‘Protect the North and Defend the South’. In the 1960s this changed to ‘Lure the Enemy Deep into the Country’ in order to crush him with ‘People’s War’. In the 1970s, this became ‘Prepare to Fight Early and Fight Big’. By using examples of the PLA in battle this thesis shows how the doctrine changed in light of failures in battle. The post-Mao reorganisation of the PLA to rectify these faults turned it into a modern military force, building on this legacy by transforming itself into a hardened and networked military. The PLA has now reached a stage of its history where it can fully implement its operational art that took root in the theories espoused in the 1920s and 1930s through the Soviet model, and tried to be implemented in the 1950s and 1960s only to be thwarted by the Cultural Revolution. The People’s Liberation Army’s operational art, this thesis demonstrates, has now come of age.

This dissertation delves into the People's Liberation Army Navy's (PLAN) naval diplomacy. It seeks to provide further understanding on the particularities of Chinese naval diplomacy, discussing trends, objectives and the aspects that make it singular. It is a longitudinal research, studying the naval diplomatic activities carried out by the Chinese navy in the years of 1990, 1995, 2000, 2005, 2010, 2015 and 2020. The research draws from J.J. Widen's (2011) contribution, in order to clearly define Naval Diplomacy and to determine a methodology that allows for its systematical study. Analysing previously existing records of Chinese naval diplomatic activities, and examining reports from online news outlets, a new database is constructed for the purpose of this study. This research identifies that there is an expansion in the number and scope of activities throughout these years. It also identifies that the majority of China's naval diplomatic activities are supportive in their aim, while the preferred means are Escort Task Forces. Nevertheless, varying strategies are identified for the different geographical context. Lastly, some of the characteristics that make China's approach unique are determined to be its close integration with the broader foreign-policy mechanisms, its hierarchical...

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis analyzes the Indian Air Force's (IAF) robust modernization campaign and explores why the IAF is on the path to transforming itself from an air force dedicated to air defense to one capable of global force projection. The stunning examples of airpower in the two Gulf Wars, Kosovo, and Afghanistan proved to the Indian leadership the value of modern airpower. Thanks to the amazing growth of the Indian economy, the IAF is gradually acquiring the weapon systems characteristic of a global aerospace force. Pakistan and China are concerned about the motivations behind IAF's modernization efforts and already have begun to improve their own air capabilities in response to any conventional or nuclear contingency. The responses of Pakistan, in particular, indicate the lowering of the nuclear threshold in South Asia. On the other front, a potential arms race between India and China is anticipated. The United States may be able to neutralize the damaging effects of India's military build-up by increasing its arms exports to both India and Pakistan. Specifically, the sale of American F-16s to both countries would fortify bilateral relation with the United States, maintain the fragile security balance in South Asia, and minimize China's influence in the region. / Captain, United States Air Force

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / American military relations with the Chinese People's Liberation Army (PLA) have been in a constant state of flux since their rocky beginnings during the Second World War. Since the Tiananmen Square incident of June 1989, efforts to reestablish a positive working relationship between the U.S. Department of Defense and the PLA have been restrained by domestic political pressures within both polities and a number of crises which increased political tensions between both nations' governments. Due to reactive policies implemented by both governments, engagement programs between the United States and PRC have yielded few tangible benefits to either side in the past fifteen years. This thesis addresses the history of U.S. military engagement with the PRC and discusses past American policies of "containment" and "engagement" of China. Case studies concerning American engagement with Taiwan and Thailand reveal the benefits of close links with partners in Asia and provide programs for possible emulation in the U.S.-PRC relationship. Through managed engagement programs such as systematic security summits, educational exchanges and partnership operations initiatives, a stable defense dialogue between American and Chinese militaries can yield significant results in reducing tensions between their two governments and averting future crises through improved communication and cooperation. / Major (Select), United States Air Force

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