In this dissertation, including three papers, I examine the business case for corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the hospitality industry. The first paper provides a systematic review of the business case for CSR based on 170 articles published in leading hospitality journals. The review paper serves as a literature review of this dissertation, leading to the second and third papers. In the second paper, I examine CSR as a strategic tool to offset corporate social irresponsibility (CSiR) in the hospitality industry. Findings indicate sector differences within the hospitality industry. The third paper examines corporate philanthropy, focusing on the notion of strategic philanthropy. Results indicate the predominance of strategic philanthropy especially in hospitality companies, compared to companies in other industries. Findings of the dissertation as a whole suggest the need for hospitality-specific business case for CSR. In practical terms, this dissertation provides better informed decisions for hospitality mangers in terms of using CSR as a corporate strategy to achieve competitive advantages in the highly competitive industry. / PHD / This dissertation examines corporate social responsibility (CSR), specifically, why hospitality companies engage in CSR and how they can achieve social and financial performance at the same time. The first paper reviews the relevant literature. And based on the findings and gaps in the extant literature, I conducted the 2nd and 3rd studies. In the 2nd paper, I examine whether hospitality companies do something good in response to something bad (to society). Findings indicate that hospitality companies do good to offset their wrong doing. However, it appears to be less salient in casinos and fast-food restaurants, which are controversial with the possible harms of operating their businesses to society. The 3rd paper examines corporate philanthropy, which can be considered as altruistic activities to help people in need. Arguably due to lack of resources in hospitality companies, corporate philanthropy in the industry seems to be used as a marketing-tool, increasing firm sales.

No / Is there an alternative to the undemocratic and unaccountable power of capitalist philanthropy? If people in sub-Saharan Africa at grass roots level are to regain control of their futures, they must bet everything on democracy. But the challenge this presents should not be underestimated. We need social relations through which solutions can be determined with individuals and community groups to serve their needs and over which they exert a high degree of direct responsibility. In the spirit of Ubuntu or ‘oneness’, local communities understand what is required to meet their diverse needs, whether they are revenue-generating options or changing behaviours and conditions that inhibit social transformation. Who owns and controls philanthropy, and how other forms of influence become attached to it, are questions that lie at the heart of any transformational agenda. A local ecosystem model starts from a very different set of principles – it reduces the domination and influence of capitalist philanthropy in global development and instead empowers local communities to drive forward change.

This study explored foundation giving in the field of higher education philanthropy in Texas. Utilizing Fligstein and McAdam's conceptual framework, I found that a field-level analysis at the state level uncovered distinct profiles or groups of foundations hidden in the observed data over time. Texas was an interesting case because of its legal history preserving the state's wealth within its borders and its continuous economic growth sustaining philanthropic giving. Using latent profile analysis (LPA), I analyzed philanthropic giving data to reveal three distinct profiles of private foundations. In the four periods, generous visionaries was the smallest profile, lean supporters was the second largest, and balanced benefactors was the largest. Most foundations maintained their profile over time; only a few migrated through other profiles. Despite occasional shifts, the strategic action field of higher education philanthropy in Texas remained relatively stable, indicating persistence and endurance within the field. This study highlighted the importance of understanding foundation profiles for higher education administrators and foundation leaders by offering insights for strategic relationship-building and informed fundraising strategies. Furthermore, the study provided information for Texas policymakers to align state funding with philanthropic trends. Recommendations for future research included exploring foundation giving across different geographies, causes, and periods and conducting mixed-methods studies to delve deeper into foundation behaviors and impacts.

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Over the last three decades, scholars in management, policy, and geography have examined the growing economic, social, and spatial impact of the financial sector. Venture capital firms have been a focus, generating a contested but deep literature around the roles of such "value-adding" capital providers in supporting the growth of firms, industries, and various territorial innovation models. In parallel, there has been substantial government support-financial, regulatory, and otherwise-of these private sector financial intermediaries, despite scepticism. The past twenty years have seen the emergence and rapid growth of analogous funders in the third sector, itself the realm of substantial experimentation and growth. These new intermediaries, "venture philanthropists", have become important players in shaping, structuring, and channelling funding to the third sector. The activities and effects of venture philanthropists are underexplored, as are their growing interactions with governments-despite intentional and striking similarities between the evolution of venture capital and that of venture philanthropy. This dissertation addresses these gaps by systematically examining the emergence, evolution, and operational practices of two influential British venture philanthropy funds: the first such fund in Europe (Impetus Trust) and the first fund in the world co-created with the state (Inspiring Scotland). The two venture philanthropy organisations (VPOs)-one with roots in venture capital, the other with roots in the voluntary and government sectors-both conducted the venture capital-inspired operational model of venture philanthropy in similar ways. That said, the VPOs reflected the logics and practices of their founders and funders. Impetus Trust more closely resembled early-stage venture capital, with a reliance on London-based networks, funders, and service providers-and a heavily London-focused portfolio. Inspiring Scotland evidenced the logics of government rather than charity in several instances, with substantial original research into social issues, heavily structured portfolios on set timelines, and regionally-distributed staff. This approach broadened access, allowing support of SPOs and their clients across various (and underserved) geographies, but limited options for opportunity-driven or expressive functions of philanthropy. I surveyed the CEOs of most organisations supported by the two venture philanthropy funds (82 of 98 charities and social businesses), supplemented by interviews of selected CEOs and the founders and staff of the two funds. I find that, overall, the two VPOs each engaged in seven core activities of venture capital, intentionally adapting them to the third sector: sourcing and selection, due diligence, an engaged relationship, provision of funding, provision of non-financial support, creation of network linkages, and intentional exiting of relationships. As in venture capital, this process had broader effects: providing signals of investee quality, preparing investees for subsequent funding, and expanding networks. The combination of long-term relationships and high formal reporting requirements imposed significant costs for SPOs-and also created a virtuous cycle of trust and collaboration between VPOs and SPOs. The venture philanthropy model also had broader societal effects, creating data regarding individual organisations and the efficacy of responses to social issues, which in both cases informed policy. As intermediaries, venture philanthropists decreased power differentials and improved the flow of (oft-anonymized) information amongst funders, statutory bodies, and funded organisations, facilitating several types of collaboration. SPO managers indicated that they received, on average, approximately ten different types of non-financial support-like strategy consulting, human resources support, or legal counsel. These managers reported in interviews and surveys that the non-financial services provided by venture philanthropists were highly valued, on average. Further, managers believed these services provided more value than it cost the VPOs to provide them. Likewise, managers highly valued most forms of new networking connections (though not all services or linkages were found to be valuable). Smaller SPOs valued services and network links more highly than larger SPOs, although all sizes of SPOs indicated both were valuable, on average. Importantly, this data was provided by SPO managers and focused on the SPO-VPO dyad-rather than provided by VPOs and focused at the portfolio or trust level. This filled an important gap in the literature: academics and practitioners often lament that the voices of charities supported by foundations are not often enough heard, which limits our understanding of many aspects of organizational philanthropy and its effects-in particular the burdens and benefits for recipient organisations. I documented the co-creation of the first government-supported venture philanthropy fund through eleven interviews with founding managers and government officials. This model, in which state, private, and civil society actors collectively founded and funded a value-adding capital provider, militates against neoliberal assumptions of an ever-diminishing state, as does the leveraging of private resources in alignment with state aims-though it raises concerns around democratic processes, accountability, and local control. This work helps inform the changing nature of the voluntary sector and its relationship with the state. I focus on the increasing interaction of actors between and across systems-sometimes in new roles and coordinated by new intermediaries-in the allocation of resources and delivery of services in the public interest. These new interactions inform broad bodies of work that seek to understand changing sectoral roles, most notably discourses surrounding neoliberalism(s), financialisation, and public management. Overall, I find privately- and publicly-funded venture philanthropy playing a role in the third sector analogous to the role of venture capital in the private sector, with similar practices and concomitant effects in data generation, network formation and strengthening, facilitating partnerships, and signalling the quality of supported organisations. By examining two such emerging models of capital provision, I contribute grounded understanding of the way such systems are created and function across the private, public, and third sectors.

The current funding challenges affecting public colleges and universities place a greater reliance on philanthropy, and women represent one of the most attractive donor segments. As private giving becomes increasingly essential to ensuring access to quality public higher education, the need exists to better understand women’s philanthropic patterns, motivations, and behavior so that practitioners of higher education fundraising can apply the knowledge tools that will facilitate more effective strategies when cultivating, soliciting, and stewarding major donors. This qualitative study explored an existing conceptual framework with the intent to substantiate its application with women who were major donors to public higher education. The framework, coined by its authors (Shaw & Taylor, 1995; Shaw-Hardy, 2005; Shaw-Hardy & Taylor, 2010) as the Six Cs Plus 3 of Women’s Giving, consists of nine themes, each starting with the letter C, that embody the motivations and outcomes of women philanthropists. Using collective case study methodology and cross-case synthesis as an analytic technique, a composite of six women was presented and reported as a representative case to protect the confidentiality of the study’s participants. The representative case displayed evidence of support for five of the nine C s in the women’s philanthropy framework (create, connect, celebrate, control, and confidence). Across the cases, minimal or no support surfaced for four of the Cs (change, commit, collaborate, and courage). Based on the data collection criteria relating to geographical parameters, the study introduced an additional C, context, as a motivation to donate. From these findings, suggestions on the application of the women’s philanthropy framework in relation to donor giving levels is proposed. Moreover, the study’s conclusions underscore the call for continued scholarship in the area of women and philanthropy, particularly as it relates to women making significant financial contributions.

<p>A historical study on the inflince of private foundations in American political history.</p>

This study examines how gender and the gender order used to be reproduced in “the kind of workhouses known as “arbetsstugor” in Swedish” in Karlstad and Borås 1899-1928. What ideologies and general notions of gender were expressed in their activities? I have made a comparative analysis of the workhouses in Karlstad and Borås using what is known as contextual contrasts. This method is used to test theories and hypotheses about what is locally unique or features that are shared between places. The hypothesis tested in the study is based on Hirdman's theory of gender contracts and “the law of separation” and it was formulated on the assumption that the traditionally more conservative Borås would also have a stricter policy on gender separation than the traditionally more liberal Karlstad.     This study examines how gender and the gender order used to be reproduced in “the kind of workhouses known as “arbetsstugor” in Swedish” in Karlstad and Borås 1899-1928. What ideologies and general notions of gender were expressed in their activities? I have made a comparative analysis of the workhouses in Karlstad and Borås using what is known as contextual contrasts. This method is used to test theories and hypotheses about what is locally unique or features that are shared between places. The hypothesis tested in the study is based on Hirdman's theory of gender contracts and “the law of separation” and it was formulated on the assumption that the traditionally more conservative Borås would also have a stricter policy on gender separation than the traditionally more liberal Karlstad.     This study examines how gender and the gender order used to be reproduced in “the kind of workhouses known as “arbetsstugor” in Swedish” in Karlstad and Borås 1899-1928. What ideologies and general notions of gender were expressed in their activities? I have made a comparative analysis of the workhouses in Karlstad and Borås using what is known as contextual contrasts. This method is used to test theories and hypotheses about what is locally unique or features that are shared between places. The hypothesis tested in the study is based on Hirdman's theory of gender contracts and “the law of separation” and it was formulated on the assumption that the traditionally more conservative Borås would also have a stricter policy on gender separation than the traditionally more liberal Karlstad.     This study examines how gender and the gender order used to be reproduced in “the kind of workhouses known as “arbetsstugor” in Swedish” in Karlstad and Borås 1899-1928. What ideologies and general notions of gender were expressed in their activities? I have made a comparative analysis of the workhouses in Karlstad and Borås using what is known as contextual contrasts. This method is used to test theories and hypotheses about what is locally unique or features that are shared between places. The hypothesis tested in the study is based on Hirdman's theory of gender contracts and “the law of separation” and it was formulated on the assumption that the traditionally more conservative Borås would also have a stricter policy on gender separation than the traditionally more liberal Karlstad.     This study examines how gender and the gender order used to be reproduced in “the kind of workhouses known as “arbetsstugor” in Swedish” in Karlstad and Borås 1899-1928. What ideologies and general notions of gender were expressed in their activities? I have made a comparative analysis of the workhouses in Karlstad and Borås using what is known as contextual contrasts. This method is used to test theories and hypotheses about what is locally unique or features that are shared between places. The hypothesis tested in the study is based on Hirdman's theory of gender contracts and “the law of separation” and it was formulated on the assumption that the traditionally more conservative Borås would also have a stricter policy on gender separation than the traditionally more liberal Karlstad.

The focus of this research has been on how the county of Hertfordshire negotiated the economic, social and political changes of the late nineteenth century. A rural county sitting within just twenty miles of the nation’s capital, Hertfordshire experienced agricultural depression and a falling rural population, whilst at the same time seeing the arrival of growing numbers of wealthy, professional people whose economic focus was on London but who sought their own little patch of the rural experience. The question of just what constituted that rural experience was played out in the local newspapers and these give a valuable insight into how the farmers of the county sought to establish their own claim to be at the heart of the rural, in the face of an alternative interpretation which was grounded in urban assumptions of the social value of the countryside as the stable heart of the nation. The widening of the franchise, increased levels of food imports and fears over the depopulation of the villages reduced the influence of farmers in directing the debate over the future of the countryside. This study is unusual in that it builds a comprehensive picture of how agricultural depression was experienced in one farming community, before considering how farmers’ attempts to claim ownership of the ‘special’ place of the rural were unsuccessful economically, socially and politically. Hertfordshire had a long tradition of attracting the newly wealthy looking to own a country estate. Historians have suggested that in the late nineteenth century there was a shift in how such men understood ownership of these estates, showing little enthusiasm for the traditional paternalistic responsibilities; in the face of a declining political and social premium attached to landownership, their interest lay purely in the leisure and sporting opportunities of the rural. However, as this research will show, the newly wealthy were not immune to that wider concern with social stability, and they engaged with their local environment in meaningful ways, using their energies and wealth to fund a range of social improvements. This research extends our understanding of just how the rhetoric of the rural was experienced by the residents of a county which so many saw as incorporating the best of the ‘south country’. In so doing, it makes a significant contribution to our knowledge of how this period of agricultural depression was interpreted by the wider nation, and the impact on social and cultural understanding of the place of the countryside within the national identity.

This study focuses on the role and contribution of women in the context of the social and economic development of two towns in Hertfordshire during the nineteenth century. Although the age saw an increase in urbanisation, Hertfordshire remained an agricultural county with long established land owners, a middle class with influence in the towns and its closeness to London attracting the newly wealthy in search of a country estate. The towns selected for this study, Hertford and Hitchin, changed little in their character and, compared with others which experienced industrial expansion, saw a modest population growth. This, however, brought the consequential pressures on housing and poverty. This research is unique in combining the study of the activities of women and the challenges faced by two market towns over a period of time of change and thus making a contribution to the debate on the concept of “separate spheres” by demonstrating that women had a place in the public arena. The daily life of a country town was reliant on a thriving economic environment. As this research demonstrates, many women had trades and businesses, contributed to good causes and were central to the education of children and adults. Their philanthropic efforts supported the building and maintenance of churches, schools, and hospitals. It charts the role of ordinary women, operating in a small town environment, before extension of the suffrage and Equal Opportunities legislation established their position as legitimate influencers of policy and practice. Little work has been done on how the English small town coped with its growth in population and the summons from central government on compliance with an increasing body of legislation on how the town should be run. It was men who undertook the necessary offices associated with this seed of local government but a micro-history of the people who inhabited these two towns demonstrates that women made a significant contribution to social and economic life of these towns.