Det västerländska intresset för sufism har under 1900-talet varit stort, liksom antalet böcker som har publicerats rörande ämnet, både inom och utanför den akademiska världen. Samtidigt har en fascination för islams esoteriska dimensioner kunnat påträffas bland flera konstnärer, poeter och intellektuella, vilka inte sällan varit befryndade med philosophia perennis och dess läror, som både inom och utanför de akademiska sammanhangen således har utövat ett visst inflytande. Följande studie inriktas dock på de mest framstående och uttalade företrädarna för philosophia perennis som under 1900-talet dragits till sufismen, med fokus på deras föreställningar och tolkningar av sufism och islam. Studiens syfte är att genom en textkritisk och idéhistorisk metod analysera kvalitativt utvalda skrifter av perennialister som ger uttryck för särskilda föreställningar och tolkningar av sufism genom att relatera dessa till teorier om orientalism, occidentalism, globalisering och modernitet. Detta utreds genom problemformuleringarna: Hur framställs och tolkas sufismen av företrädare för philosophia perennis? Varför framställs sufismen så? Vad finner företrädarna tilltalande i islam och sufism? Resultaten visar att perennialisterna anspelar på och använder de orientalistiska och occidentalistiska föreställningar som finns i både öst och väst vid presentationerna av islam och sufism, bland annat för att kritisera moderniteten och definiera sina egna ståndpunkter. Dessutom pekar resultaten vidare på att perennialismen både närts och influerats av modernitens allt mer påtagliga globalisering, även om de ofta reagerar polemiskt emot den. Utan att reducera 1900-talets philosophia perennis till enbart en anti-modernistisk idéströmning, fokuserar studien på dess relation till modernitet, globalisering, orientalism och occidentalism, enligt syftet att belysa perennialismens föreställningar om sufism, varför just islam tilltalar företrädarna samt vilka särskilda implikationer ovan nämnda faktorer genererar i deras föreställningar och tolkningar av sufism.

After a short introduction concerning the problem of "Artificial Intelligence" (AI) the work continues with a summary of the state of the art.Thereafter, it goes on to profile four different basic scientific views of human beings and AI: symbolism, connectionism, biologism and physicalism. The emphasis is on the elucidation of anthropologically relevant statements to intelligence, spirit, thinking, perception, will, consciousness, self-consciousness, feelings and life.It is demonstrated that the basic views referred to represent greatly abbreviated and distorted pictures of human beings. Theories that do not go beyond the quantifiable level cannot adequately encompass the nature of relevant concepts and capabilities. That is above all because of the fact that generally a philosophical materialism is advocated, which considers the existence of intellectual substances impossible. For this reason a philosophical critique is necessary. The position of moderate and critical realism is advocated, whose anthropological statements are secured by epistemological and metaphysical investigations.The work comes to the conclusion that human beings cannot be understood symbolistically, connectionistically, biologistically or physicalistically. Man is a physical-intellectual entity, endowed with reason, a living social being. He is formed and led by his intellectual and therefore immortal soul, which gives him uniqueness, irreplaceability and the value of personhood. He is capable of thinking and thus of objective, abstract perception, and therefore is intelligent. Humans have an unfettered will, which, led by mental perception, is to be directed toward the good. They are moreover, through reflection, self-conscious. Humans live an intellectually determined life, which essentially differs, despite biological similarity, from that of animals and cannot possibly, due to its substantial superiority, have developed from animal life.All substantial anthropological abilities (such as intelligence, will, consciousness etc.) presuppose spirit. Because it is not within the power of human beings to create a simple substance such as spirit, a thinking, perceptive, intelligent, willing, self-conscious, sentient living being can at best be only technically imitated, modelled or simulated but never be reproduced, copied or created. The relationship of humans to AI is thus determined by an insuperable difference between their natures.

Zwischen 1630 und 1650 vollzog sich ein Wandel in Athanasius Kirchers Vermittlung des musikalischen Wissens: Musik konzipierte er im Zusammenhang der Universalwissenschaft immer mehr als Zeichen des Weltbildes im Kontext einer christlich-neuplatonischen Pansemiose. Die Studie arbeitet dies am Beispiel der "Institutiones mathematicae" (ca. 1630), der "Mathematica curiosa" (ca. 1640) und der "Musurgia universalis" (1650) heraus. Besonderes Augenmerk gilt Kirchers Umgang mit seinen Quellen, insbesondere Nikolaus von Kues, Robert Fludd und der Tradition der Philosophia perennis. / Between 1630 and 1650, a change in Athanasius Kircher's way to communicate the knowledge of music took place: Within the context of universal science, he conceptualised music increasingly as a symbol for his world view and its Christian-Neoplatonic pansemiosis. This study discusses these issues based on Kircher's "Institutiones mathematicae" (c1630), "Mathematica curiosa" (c1640), and "Musurgia universalis" (1650). Special emphasis lies on Kircher's use of his sources, particularly Nicholas of Cusa, Robert Fludd, and the tradition of Perennial philosophy.

Zwischen 1630 und 1650 vollzog sich ein Wandel in Athanasius Kirchers Vermittlung des musikalischen Wissens: Musik konzipierte er im Zusammenhang der Universalwissenschaft immer mehr als Zeichen des Weltbildes im Kontext einer christlich-neuplatonischen Pansemiose. Die Studie arbeitet dies am Beispiel der "Institutiones mathematicae" (ca. 1630), der "Mathematica curiosa" (ca. 1640) und der "Musurgia universalis" (1650) heraus. Besonderes Augenmerk gilt Kirchers Umgang mit seinen Quellen, insbesondere Nikolaus von Kues, Robert Fludd und der Tradition der Philosophia perennis. / Between 1630 and 1650, a change in Athanasius Kircher's way to communicate the knowledge of music took place: Within the context of universal science, he conceptualised music increasingly as a symbol for his world view and its Christian-Neoplatonic pansemiosis. This study discusses these issues based on Kircher's "Institutiones mathematicae" (c1630), "Mathematica curiosa" (c1640), and "Musurgia universalis" (1650). Special emphasis lies on Kircher's use of his sources, particularly Nicholas of Cusa, Robert Fludd, and the tradition of Perennial philosophy.

My doctoral thesis focuses on the Christian Kabbalah and its relationship with its Jewish counterpart during the seventeenth century. I work especially on a Christian Kabbalist of the late 17th century, Christian Knorr von Rosenroth and his anthology of Christian Kabbalah called the "Kabbala Denudata." The work reflects the philosophical and religious debates of the 17th century (through Knorr’s collaboration with Henry More and the Belgian alchemist Francis Mercury van Helmont), includes many translations of works of Lurianic Kabbalah and a bilingual edition (Aramaic - Latin) of the Zohar. On one hand, the study of "Kabbala Denudata" sheds light on how the Lurianic Kabbalah was received in Europe in the 17th century. On the other hand, the anthology attests of a practice of "perennial philosophy" which is a continuation of the Renaissance thought. Through the use of symbolism, the author elaborates a new form of relationship with the religious orthodoxy of his time and paved the way to a deeper understanding of religious otherness. My research takes place both in the field of the study of Jewish-Christian relations and of the the study of western esotericism. / <p><p>Ma thèse de doctorat porte sur la kabbale chrétienne et sur ses rapports avec son homologue juive au 17e siècle. Je travaille en particulier sur un kabbaliste chrétien de la fin du 17e siècle, Christian Knorr von Rosenroth et son anthologie de kabbale chrétienne intitulée la "Kabbala denudata". L’œuvre reflète les débats philosophiques et religieux du 17e siècle (avec notamment des collaborations d’Henry More et de l’alchimiste belge François Mercure van Helmont), comporte de nombreuses traductions d’ouvrages de kabbale lourianique ainsi qu’une édition bilingue (araméen - latin) du Zohar. D’une part, l’étude de la "Kabbala denudata" permet de mieux comprendre la manière dont la kabbale lourianique a été reçue en Europe au 17e siècle. D’autre part, l’anthologie atteste d’une pratique de la "philosophia perennis" qui s’inscrit dans le prolongement de la Renaissance. À travers la pratique du symbolisme, l’auteur construit une nouvelle forme de rapports avec l’orthodoxie religieuse de son temps et ouvre la voie à une compréhension approfondie de l’altérité religieuse. Mes recherches s’inscrivent tant dans le domaine de l’étude des relations judéo-chrétiennes que de l’étude de l’ésotérisme. / Doctorat en Philosophie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Zwischen 1630 und 1650 vollzog sich ein Wandel in Athanasius Kirchers Vermittlung des musikalischen Wissens: Musik konzipierte er im Zusammenhang der Universalwissenschaft immer mehr als Zeichen des Weltbildes im Kontext einer christlich-neuplatonischen Pansemiose. Die Studie arbeitet dies am Beispiel der 'Institutiones mathematicae' (ca. 1630), der 'Mathematica curiosa' (ca. 1640) und der 'Musurgia universalis' (1650) heraus. Besonderes Augenmerk gilt Kirchers Umgang mit seinen Quellen, insbesondere Nikolaus von Kues, Robert Fludd und der Tradition der Philosophia perennis. / Between 1630 and 1650, a change in Athanasius Kircher''s way to communicate the knowledge of music took place: Within the context of universal science, he conceptualised music increasingly as a symbol for his world view and its Christian-Neoplatonic pansemiosis. This study discusses these issues based on Kircher''s 'Institutiones mathematicae' (c1630), 'Mathematica curiosa' (c1640), and 'Musurgia universalis' (1650). Special emphasis lies on Kircher''s use of his sources, particularly Nicholas of Cusa, Robert Fludd, and the tradition of Perennial philosophy.

Zwischen 1630 und 1650 vollzog sich ein Wandel in Athanasius Kirchers Vermittlung des musikalischen Wissens: Musik konzipierte er im Zusammenhang der Universalwissenschaft immer mehr als Zeichen des Weltbildes im Kontext einer christlich-neuplatonischen Pansemiose. Die Studie arbeitet dies am Beispiel der 'Institutiones mathematicae' (ca. 1630), der 'Mathematica curiosa' (ca. 1640) und der 'Musurgia universalis' (1650) heraus. Besonderes Augenmerk gilt Kirchers Umgang mit seinen Quellen, insbesondere Nikolaus von Kues, Robert Fludd und der Tradition der Philosophia perennis. / Between 1630 and 1650, a change in Athanasius Kircher''s way to communicate the knowledge of music took place: Within the context of universal science, he conceptualised music increasingly as a symbol for his world view and its Christian-Neoplatonic pansemiosis. This study discusses these issues based on Kircher''s 'Institutiones mathematicae' (c1630), 'Mathematica curiosa' (c1640), and 'Musurgia universalis' (1650). Special emphasis lies on Kircher''s use of his sources, particularly Nicholas of Cusa, Robert Fludd, and the tradition of Perennial philosophy.