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In this thesis I searched for an Underground Man in Nietzsche and Marx. My search depends on an epistemological ascertainment. Kant&rsquo / s argument that the human mind cannot achieve knowledge of the thing-in-itself lies in the background of my thesis. I think that this argument is connected with the origins of modern philosophy. My thesis is concentrated on the 19th century. I perceived that with Kant&rsquo / s argument the fact that we can know this world within a subjective framework is emphasized especially in this century. The emphasis on a subjective framework is grounded on Kant&rsquo / s philosophy. This emphasis has a significant role in the epistemological arguments of Nietzsche and Marx. They also insist on the role of subjective contribution in knowledge. However their attitude towards epistemology is different from Kantian philosophy in that they emphasize social, historical and economical conditions. Thus, I call attention to the fact that they transpose epistemology into a social and historical context. My conception of the Underground Man is born in this social context. My thesis aims at making room for an analysis of the Underground Man who is conceived in opposition to the Kantian understanding of the subject, in the context of are Nietzsche&rsquo / s and Marx&rsquo / s social and epistemological analyses.

This thesis argues two issues: William James' philosophy was-to a great extent derived from his interaction with the French philosophers, Charles Renouvier, Henri Bergson, Maurice Blondel and Emile Boutroux. Correlative to the fact that these five figures have an intellectual relationship with one another, I also argue that in order to understand James, he must be placed within the context of these relations. These five philosophers, as a group, can be clearly seen and understood in the context of an identifiable movement. Each one was a part of a whole reality with their own slightly different perspectives. However, the context that I present reveals the motivating factors of this movement towards a philosophy of action. This is not to say that there was one defined philosophy of action. Each contributed to the conception of a philosophy of action by their response to the same dilemmas of their time.

In the following study I reappraise the nineteenth century Swiss historian Jacob Burckhardt (1818-1897). Burckhardt is traditionally known for having served as the elder colleague and one-time muse of Friedrich Nietzsche at the University of Basel and so his ideas are often considered, by comparison, outmoded or inapposite to contemporary currents of thought. My research explodes this conception by abandoning the presumption that Burckhardt was in some sense "out of touch" with modernity. By following and significantly expanding upon the ideas of historians such as Allan Megill, Lionel Gossman, Hayden White, Joseph Mali, John Hinde and Richard Sigurdson, among others, I am able to portray Burckhardt as conversely inaugurating a historiography laden with elements of insightful social criticism. Such criticisms are in fact bolstered by virtue of their counter-modern characteristic. Burckhardt reveals in this way a perspicacity that both anticipates Nietzsche's own critique of modernity and in large part moves well beyond him. Much of this analysis is devised through a genealogical approach to Burckhardt which places him squarely within a cohesive branch of post-Kantian thought that I have called heterodox post-Kantianism. My study revaluates Burckhardt through the alembic of a "discursive" post-Kantian turn which reinvests many of his outré ideas, including his radical appropriation of historical representation, his non-teleological historiography, his various pessimistic inclinations, and additionally, his non-empirical, "aesthetic" study of history, or "mythistory," with a newfound philosophical germaneness. While I survey the majority of Burckhardt's output in the course of my work, I invest a specific focus in his largely unappreciated Greek lectures (given in 1869 but only published in English in full at the end of the twentieth century). Burckhardt's "dark" portrayal of the Greeks serves to not only upset traditional conceptions of antiquity but also the manner in which self-conception is informed through historical inquiry. Burckhardt returns us then to an altogether repressed antiquity: to a hidden, yet internal "dream of a shadow." My analysis culminates with an attempt to reassess the place of Burckhardt's ideas for modernity and to correspondingly reexamine Nietzsche. In particular, I highlight the disparity between Nietzsche's and Burckhardt's reception of the "problem of power," including the latter's reluctance - which was attended by ominous and highly prescient predictions of future large-scale wars and the steady "massification" of western society - to accept Nietzsche's acclamation of a final "will to power." Burckhardt teaches us the value of history as an active counterforce to dominant modern reality-formations and in doing so, his work rehabilitates the relevance of history for a world which, as Burckhardt once noted, suffers today from a superfluity of present-mindedness.

Orientador: Oswaldo Giacoia Junior / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T20:57:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Durante_FelipedosSantos_M.pdf: 1370879 bytes, checksum: 37b2f8153e9ff464e64d46151d34e3fd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: O objetivo geral desta pesquisa é perscrutar a doutrina do Direito (Rechtslehre) de Arthur Schopenhauer (1788-1860), i.e., elucidar e compreender sua fundamentação, sua formulação (como o filósofo de Frankfurt consegue utilizar e assimilar fontes antitéticas, como Thomas Hobbes e Jean-Jacques Rousseau?), o diálogo estabelecido com a tradição - como Schopenhauer lê essa tradição -, as consequências engendradas por essa doutrina, e sua inserção sistemática na filosofia schopenhaueriana. Esse esforço compreende quatro etapas: (i) exegese dos textos schopenhauerianos em que a doutrina do Direito é formulada; (ii) frequentar os textos que influenciaram a filosofia schopenhaueriana na formulação dessa doutrina para entender o diálogo que ele trava com essa tradição; (iii) buscar nos manuscritos póstumos de Schopenhauer as anotações que serviram como base para formulação de sua doutrina do direito; e (iv) elucidar e compreender a teoria da ação (conhecida também por teoria sobre a liberdade da Vontade), i.e., compreender como Schopenhauer fundamenta os conceitos de imputabilidade (Zurechnungsfähigkeit) e de responsabilidade (Verantwortlichkeit). Espera-se, ao desenvolver as etapas supracitadas, explicitar a relação da doutrina do direito com a moral - tal como pensada por Schopenhauer -, entender o papel específico da teoria da justiça dentro do sistema filosófico de Schopenhauer, e como ela se relaciona com a tradição. Tal percurso permitirá o melhor entendimento da argumentação que constitui a formulação da teoria do direito schopenhaueriana, bem como da sua ética, que é para esse filósofo a parte mais importante da filosofia / Abstract: The general objective of this research is to scrutinize the Arthur Schopenhauer's doctrine of the Right (Rechtslehre) (1788 -1860), in order to elucidate and understand its basis, its formulation (how does Schopenhauer use and assimilate antithetical sources such as Thomas Hobbes and Jean-Jacques Rousseau?), the established dialogue with the tradition - such as Schopenhauer reads it -, the consequences engendered by this doctrine, and its systematic insertion in Schopenhauer's philosophy. This effort comprises four stages: (i) exegesis of the Schopenhauer's texts in which the doctrine of the right is formulated; (ii) to read the texts that influenced the formulation of Schopenhauer's philosophy in order to understand the dialogue he engages with that tradition; (iii) to search in Schopenhauer's posthumous manuscripts the notes that worked as basis for the formulation of his doctrine of the right; and (iv) to elucidate and understand the freedom of the will theory, which means to understand how Schopenhauer establishes the concepts of accountability (Zurechnungsfähigkeit) and responsibility (Verantwortlichkeit). When developing the foregoing stages, it is expected to bring to light the relationship between the doctrine of the right and the moral as thought by Schopenhauer. Furthermore, to understand the specific role of the theory of justice inside Schopenhauer's philosophical system and how it links with the tradition. Such course will allow better understanding of the steps that led Schopenhauer to develop his theory of the right, as well as his ethics, which is for him, the most important part of philosophy / Mestrado / Filosofia / Mestre em Filosofia

Il y a plus d’un siècle, le penseur et anarchiste Gustav Landauer (1870-1919) était considéré comme « l’agitateur le plus important du mouvement révolutionnaire radical » en Allemagne. Si l’on se souvient parfois de sa participation à la République des conseils de Bavière et de son assassinat par les troupes contre-révolutionnaires, l’écho suscité par son œuvre s’est rapidement estompé. Son corpus hétéroclite connaît pourtant un vif regain d’intérêt aujourd’hui.Sa génération fit les frais – et la critique – de rapides transformations sociales, économiques et culturelles. Sur fond d’un sentiment de déprise individuelle, Landauer dénonça la massification des structures sociales et chercha à concevoir – dans la pensée et dans l’action – le modèle d’une nouvelle alliance, non autoritaire, articulant les aspirations individuelles et l’esprit de solidarité présent en chacun. Dans la vie politique et intellectuelle de l’Allemagne wilhelmienne, l’auteur se signale par son opposition à l’organisation impériale comme à la social-démocratie d’obédience marxiste. Contre la politique de la table rase et contre la croyance en un progrès nécessaire de l’humanité, Landauer estime que le changement doit être impulsé par l’intervention des individus et des groupements dans le cours de l’histoire. Plus que la simple insurrection individuelle, Landauer explore le potentiel révolutionnaire de la communauté vécue tout en théorisant la nécessité des révolutions pour faire communauté. Son « socialisme culturel » est une tentative pour susciter, ici et maintenant, la création de nouveaux rapports entre les êtres humains.Ses analyses constituent une entrée privilégiée dans les problématiques majeures de son époque, qu’elles soient politiques, sociales, littéraires ou philosophiques. Cette monographie resitue la réflexion de Gustav Landauer dans les débats de son temps et discute de ses implications pour une pensée et une action émancipatrice jusqu’à nos jours. / More than a century ago, thinker and anarchist Gustav Landauer (1870-1919) was considered as “the most important agitator of the radical revolutionary movement” in Germany. Nowadays, Landauer is sometimes remembered for his role in the Bavarian Council Republic and for being murdered by counter-revolutionary troops, but the echo of his work has faded away. However, his heterogeneous work currently meets with a vivid renewed interest.His generation criticised the quick social, economic and cultural transformations, while bearing their costs. Landauer’s feeling of individual disentanglement founded his criticism of the massification of all social structures. He tried to conceive – both in thought and action – the model for a new and non-authoritarian alliance, one which could combine the personal yearnings and the spirit of solidarity found in every individual. In the political and intellectual life of Wilhelmine Germany, Landauer opposed both the imperial organisation and the Marxist social-democracy. In opposition with politics willing to make a clean slate of the past and against the belief in a necessary progress of humanity, Landauer believed that change had to stem from the intervention of individuals and small groups in the course of history. More than mere individual insurrection, Landauer explored the revolutionary potential of experienced community, and he theorised the necessary role of revolutions in bringing community together. His “cultural socialism” is an attempt to trigger, here and now, the creation of new relationships between human beings.His analyses offer valuable insight into the major issues of his time, be they political, social, literary or philosophical. This monography places Gustav Landauer’s thought back in the debates of his time. It also discusses its consequences for emancipatory thought and action up to the present day.