Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Adelaide, Centre for European Studies and General Linguistics, 2000? / Bibliography: p. 219-229.

Bibliography: p. 219-229. This thesis examines the policy and practice of French language use in Vietnam, with particular reference to Tây Bồi, a pidgin French spoken during the colonial era.

No description available.

The author's Habilitationsschrift--Freie Universität Berlin. / Includes indexes. Includes bibliographical references (p. 292-313).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 224-229).

It has been proposed that pidgin languages are similar in their marking of tense and aspect. This study wishes to answer three questions: 1) are there similarities in the marking of tense and aspect in pidgins, 2) are there similarities between the source languages and the pidgins they result in, and 3) does the development of tense aspect marking in pidgins follow the general patterns of grammaticalisation observed in other languages. Two quite different approaches are used to analyse the languages. Firstly the concept of grams is used, that is, a representation of a grammatical category in a specific language, e.g. the perfect in Swedish. Secondly the theory of prominence is used, i.e. that a particular language tends to grammaticalise one of the categories tense or aspect (or mood) rather than the other. The study looks at a sample of seven pidgin languages from around the world and compares them with regards to their marking of tense and aspect. Furthermore the tense-aspect systems of the source languages (lexifiers and substrates) of these pidgins are studied. Regarding the first question, the most obvious similarity is the fact that there is very little grammaticalised marking of tense and aspect at all. A pattern can also be discerned were a pidgin uses either a marker for perfective aspect or for past tense and that future/present markers are grammaticalised at a later stage. As for the similarities between the source languages and the pidgins, the pidginisation process has yielded languages with less grammaticalised forms than the source languages. All gram types found in the pidgins can also be found in their lexifiers. The patterns of grammaticalisation of tense and aspect markers follow universal patterns that have been described in typological studies. The semantic change of inherited or borrowed markers follow general patterns as do the innovations in the pidgin itself.

ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigates the use of the pidgin Fanakalo as a trade language in rural KwaZulu-Natal: its birth under certain historical circumstances; its spread; its apparent growth, post-1990, as new immigrants continue to enter the country and acquire and use Fanakalo out of expediency; and the reasons why Fanakalo continues to thrive in certain contexts. It focuses specifically on similarities between the relations between Gujarati traders and their customers in the 19th century and the relations that exist between Gujarati and Pakistani traders and their Zuluspeaking customers today. Data was collected primarily through semi-structured interviews with nine Gujarati traders – two born in South Africa and the others recent immigrants – five Pakistani traders and ten Zulu speakers, of which two were employees of traders while the others were customers. The results of the data analysis suggest the principles of expediency and non-intimacy may provide a space where Fanakalo can continue to flourish. Pidgins are a neglected element in the study of intercultural communication and the study endeavours to provide pointers for further research in this field. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie ondersoek die gebruik van die kontaktaal Fanakalo as ‘n handelstaal in nie-stedelike KwaZulu-Natal: die ontstaan daarvan onder sekere historiese omstandighede; die verspreiding daarvan; die waarskynlike groei daarvan, na 1990 met die arrivering van nuwe immigrante wat Fanakalo aanleer en gebruik uit gerief; en die redes waarom Fanakalo voortbestaan en floreer in sekere kontekste. Die spesifieke fokus is die soortgelyke verhoudinge tussen Gujarati-handelaars en hulle klante in die negentiende eeu, en tussen Gujarati- en Pakistani-handelaars en hulle Zoeloesprekende klante vandag. Inligting is hoofsaaklik deur semi-gestruktureerde onderhoude ingewin met nege Gujarati-handelaars – twee in Suid-Afrika gebore en die ander onlangse immigrante – vyf Pakistani-handelaars en tien Zoeloesprekendes, waarvan twee werknemers van handelaars en agt klante was. ‘n Analise van die gegewens dui daarop dat die beginsels van gerief of doelmatigheid, en ongemeensaamheid ‘n ruimte mag skep waarin Fanakalo sal voortbestaan. Die studie van kontaktale behoort meer aandag te geniet in die veld van interkulturele kommunikasie, en hierdie tesis poog om ‘n bydrae daartoe te lewer.

This dissertation presents the first full grammatical description of unprompted (spontaneous) speech in pidgin Chinook Jargon [synonyms Chinúk Wawa, Chinook]. The data come from a dialect I term ‘Kamloops Chinúk Wawa’, used in southern interior British Columbia circa 1900. I also present the first historical study and structural analysis of the shorthand-based ‘Chinuk pipa’ alphabet in which Kamloops Chinúk Wawa was written, primarily by Salish people. This study is made possible by the discovery of several hundred such texts, which I have transliterated and analyzed. The Basic Linguistic Theory-inspired (cf. Dixon 2010a,b) framework used here interprets Kamloops Chinúk Wawa as surprisingly ramified in morphological and syntactic structure, a finding in line with recent studies reexamining the status of pidgins by Bakker (e.g. 2003a,b, forthcoming) among others. Among the major findings: an unusually successful pidgin literacy including a widely circulated newspaper Kamloops Wawa, and language planning by the missionary J.M.R. Le Jeune, O.M.I. He planned both for the use of Kamloops Chinúk Wawa and this alphabet, and for their replacement by English. Additional sociolinguistic factors determining how Chinuk pipa was written included Salish preferences for learning to write by whole-word units (rather than letter by letter), and toward informal intra-community teaching of this first group literacy. In addition to compounding and conversion of lexical roots, Kamloops Chinúk Wawa morphology exploited three types of preposed grammatical morphemes—affixes, clitics, and particles. Virtually all are homonymous with and grammaticalized from demonstrably lexical morphs. Newly identified categories include ‘out-of-control’ transitivity marking and discourse markers including ‘admirative’ and ‘inferred’. Contrary to previous claims about Chinook Jargon (cf. Vrzic 1999), no overt passive voice exists in Kamloops Chinúk Wawa (nor probably in pan-Chinook Jargon), but a previously unknown ‘passivization strategy’ of implied agent demotion is brought to light. A realis-irrealis modality distinction is reflected at several scopal levels: phrase, clause and sentence. Functional differences are observed between irrealis clauses before and after main clauses. Polar questions are restricted to subordinate clauses, while alternative questions are formed by simple juxtaposition of irrealis clauses. Main-clause interrogatives are limited to content-question forms, optionally with irrealis marking. Positive imperatives are normally signaled by a mood particle on a realis clause, negative ones by a negative particle. Aspect is marked in a three-part ingressive-imperfective-completive system, with a marginal fourth ‘conative’. One negative operator has characteristically clausal, and another phrasal, scope. One copula is newly attested. Degree marking is largely confined to ‘predicative’ adjectives (copula complements). Several novel features of pronoun usage possibly reflect Salish L1 grammatical habits: a consistent animacy distinction occurs in third-person pronouns, where pan-Chinook Jargon 'iaka' (animate singular) and 'klaska' (animate plural) contrast with a null inanimate object/patient; this null and 'iaka' are non-specified for number; in intransitives, double exponence (repetition) of pronominal subjects is common; and pan-Chinook Jargon 'klaksta' (originally ‘who?’) and 'klaska' (originally ‘they’) vary freely with each other. Certain etymologically content-question forms are used also as determiners. Kamloops Chinúk Wawa’s numeral system is unusually regular and small for a pidgin; numerals are also used ordinally in a distinctly Chinook Jargon type of personal name. There is a null allomorph of the preposition 'kopa'. This preposition has additionally a realis complementizer function (with nominalized predicates) distinct from irrealis 'pus' (with verbal ones). Conjunction 'pi' also has a function in a syntactic focus-increasing and -reducing system. / Graduate