The purpose of the research is to study the relationship between international drug interdiction policies and domestic politics in fragile democracies, and to demonstrate how international drug control policies and the use of force fit the rhetoric of war, are legitimized by the principles of a just war, but may also cause collateral damage and negative unintended consequences. The method used is a case study of the Dominican Republic. The research has found that international drug control regimes, primarily led by the U.S. and narrowly focused on interdiction, have influenced an increasingly militarized approach to domestic law enforcement in the Dominican Republic. The collateral damage caused by militarized enforcement comes in the form of negative perceptions of citizen security, loss of respect for the rule of law and due process, and low levels of civil society development. The drug war has exposed the need for significant reform of the institutions charged with carrying out enforcement, the police force and the judicial system in particular. The dissertation concludes that the extent of drug trafficking in the Dominican Republic is beyond the scope of domestic reform efforts alone, but that the programs implemented do show some potential for future success. The dissertation also concludes that the framework of warfare is not the most appropriate for the international problems of drug traffic and abuse. A broader, multipronged approach should be considered by world policy makers in order to address all conditions that allow drugs to flourish without infringing upon democratic and civil rights in the process.

yes / Over the last quarter century post-conflict and post-authoritarian transitions in Latin America have been accompanied by a surge in social violence, acquisitive crime, and insecurity. These phenomena have been driven by an expanding international narcotics trade, by the long-term effects of civil war and counter-insurgency (resulting in, inter alia, an increased availability of small arms and a pervasive grammar of violence), and by structural stresses on society (unemployment, hyper-inflation, widening income inequality). Local police forces proved to be generally ineffective in preventing, resolving, or detecting such crime and forms of “new violence”3 due to corruption, frequent complicity in criminal networks, poor training and low pay, and the routine use of excessive force without due sanction. Why, then, have governments been slow to prioritize police reform and why have reform efforts borne largely “limited or nonexistent” long-term results? This chapter highlights a number of lessons suggested by various efforts to reform the police in Latin America over the period 1995-2010 . It focuses on two clusters of countries in Latin America. One is Brazil and the Southern Cone countries (Chile, Argentina, and Uruguay), which made the transition to democracy from prolonged military authoritarian rule in the mid- to late 1980s. The other is Central America and the Andean region (principally El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Peru, and Colombia), which emerged/have been emerging from armed conflict since the mid- 1990s. The chapter examines first the long history of international involvement in police and security sector reform in order to identify long-run tropes and path dependencies. It then focuses on a number of recurring themes: cycles of de- and re-militarization of the policing function; the “security gap” and “democratization dilemmas” involved in structural reforms; the opportunities offered by decentralization for more community-oriented police; and police capacity to resist reform and undermine accountability mechanisms.

Security sector reform has in the recent past been a critical component of peace agreements in countries emerging from armed conflicts or political crisis. In Kenya, the Commission of Inquiry into the 2007/08 Post-Election Violence (CIPEV) established that Kenya’s security sector, particularly the police, bore the greatest responsibility for the violence. Subsequently, the police emerged as one of the major institutions for reforms. ‘How have security sector reforms, particularly police reforms, in Kenya developed since 2007 and how, and to what extent, have they been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and SSR process during this period?’ The research aimed at investigating how the police reform process in Kenya has developed since 2007, and how the process has been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and security sector reform processes in general. Using mixed methods research, we found that despite some progress, there is wider public perception that the reforms are yet to address reform priorities at the national level and still fall short of expectations of ordinary Kenyans. We argue that political power-sharing after the 2007 post-election violence facilitated police reform, while at the same time frustrated its implementation especially in instances where reform seemed to dis-empower political elites.

In this thesis the process by which crime investigation, detection and prosecution became an integral function of the British police service is analysed through an examination of public records, contemporary papers and documents, and by reference to the literature on policing. The impact of the adoption of that function on the role, organisation and management of modem British policing is then assessed. It is established that at its foundation by Robert Peel's Metropolitan Police Act of 1829, the British professional police service was intended to be a purely preventive and protective body of uniformed patrolling constables. The function of crime investigation, detection and criminal prosecution was then subsequently added to its responsibilities by government using administrative rather than any democratic or legislative means, thus creating the present dual crime prevention and crime detection role of the police. Major recurrentp roblemse xperiencedb y the modemB ritish police servicea re identified as arising from that change in its original functions and purposes, and proposals for action to resolve them are set out.

Security sector reform has in the recent past been a critical component of peace agreements in countries emerging from armed conflicts or political crisis. In Kenya, the Commission of Inquiry into the 2007/08 Post-Election Violence (CIPEV) established that Kenya’s security sector, particularly the police, bore the greatest responsibility for the violence. Subsequently, the police emerged as one of the major institutions for reforms. ‘How have security sector reforms, particularly police reforms, in Kenya developed since 2007 and how, and to what extent, have they been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and SSR process during this period?’ The research aimed at investigating how the police reform process in Kenya has developed since 2007, and how the process has been shaped by Kenya’s wider political transitions and security sector reform processes in general. Using mixed methods research, we found that despite some progress, there is wider public perception that the reforms are yet to address reform priorities at the national level and still fall short of expectations of ordinary Kenyans. We argue that political power-sharing after the 2007 post-election violence facilitated police reform, while at the same time frustrated its implementation especially in instances where reform seemed to dis-empower political elites. / Chevening Scholarship for study-grant during first year of study. The government of Kenya fully funded this PhD.

Esta tese avalia o impacto do treinamento no desempenho individual, durante a abordagem, analisando a capacidade de um grupo de policiais militares seguir procedimentos operacionais padrão (POP), após o treinamento. Em 2002, a Polícia Militar do Estado de São Paulo criou o SISUPA Sistema de Supervisão e Padronização uma política que padroniza procedimentos operacionais e sistematiza a supervisão e treinamento dos policiais de rua. Desempenhar as tarefas cotidianas de maneira coerente com os procedimentos padronizados pode diminuir tanto o grau de exposição ao risco do policial, como a possibilidade de prática abusiva. Em pesquisa realizada anteriormente constatamos a tendência do policial não seguir os POP de abordagem (PINC, 2007a). Entendemos que esse resultado estava relacionado a ausência de treinamento. Neste sentido, a hipótese central desta pesquisa sustenta que o treinamento aproxima o comportamento individual do policial, durante as abordagens, do padrão estabelecido pela polícia. Para testar esta hipótese realizamos um quase experimento com dois grupos não-equivalentes. Os grupos foram observados por meio da técnica da observação social sistemática (OSS), que registrou as imagens do desempenho dos policiais realizando abordagens sem que soubessem que estavam sendo observados. Como instrumento de avaliação do desempenho, usamos um questionário para buscar identificar a presença de quatorze procedimentos padronizados, em cada uma das 199 abordagens selecionadas na amostra. O treinamento de 60 horas foi aplicado a apenas um dos grupos, entre a primeira e a segunda etapa da OSS. A análise de regressão empregou o modelo estatístico do Difference-in-Difference. Os resultados indicam que o treinamento não atingiu o objetivo de mudar comportamento. Por fim, entendemos que esse resultado está relacionado, principalmente, à metodologia empregada no treinamento. / thesis evaluates the impact of the training on individual performance during the stop and search, analyzing the ability of a group of military police officer following standard procedures after training. In 2002, the Military Police of São Paulo State created a policy which standardized operational procedures (SOP) and a system of supervision and training. Performing daily tasks in a manner consistent with the standardized procedures can reduce both the degree of risk to the police officer and the possibility of abusive practice. Earlier research showed the tendency of the police officer not following the SOP (PINC, 2007a). I argue that the result was related to the absence of training. In this sense, the central hypothesis of this research establishes that training procedures might change police officers behavior by assuring the compliance with institutional standards. To test this hypothesis this study developed a quasi-experiment with two non-equivalent groups. The groups were observed by the systematic social observation (SSO) technique, which videotaped the performance of police officers during the stop and search without knowing they were being watched. The research used a questionnaire as instrument to identify the presence of fourteen standard procedures in each of the 199 stop and search selected in the sample. The 60 hours of training was applied to just one group, between the first and second stage of the SSO. Regression analysis used the statistical model of the Difference-in-Difference. The results indicate that training has not changed the police officers behavior. Finally, this result is mainly related to the methodology used in the training.

From the beginning of 2000 the European accession process was placed at the centre of peace-building in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The prospect of EU membership provided a common vision that could encourage different segments of society and the political elites to bridge ethnic divergences and engage in authentic post-war reconciliation. As a pre-accession criterion the European Union required Bosnia and Herzegovina to unify its fragmented policing system at the level of the state. However, this requirement proved to be a step too far, resulting in a protracted and ultimately unsuccessful process of political negotiations that lasted from 2004 to 2007. This thesis analyses the police reform negotiating process. In the aftermath of interethnic violence, ethnic communities tend to focus on protecting their self-continuity and, as a result, aspects of identity and security become closely linked. It was for this reason that the European Union’s insistence on placing law enforcement authority at the state level in Bosnia and Herzegovina came to be viewed as an identity threat, which subsequently affected interethnic group dynamics in a negative way. From this premise, the study goes on to assess the impact of the negotiating process on the political discourse in Bosnia and Herzegovina and on public notions of societal security. The study illustrates the background and rationale of the European Union’s strategy and analyses the dynamics between the international community and the domestic political elite. The conclusions of the thesis are drawn from interviews with the principal domestic politicians and the main international policymakers of the international community, and also from a broad range of opinion surveys as well as the original documentation of the negotiating process.

This thesis provides a critical analysis of the post-Soviet police transformation that has been on the agenda for about two decades in all over the world. To elaborate and rethink this analysis within a concrete historical process, the transformation of the police in Turkey is focused on. However, as the number of political science-based studies on the police are very limited, and as the dominant academic studies on neoliberal police reform have been determined by policy makers themselves, that state of affairs has necessitated a prior theoretical research to be made on the question of &ldquo / what the police is&rdquo / . For, it is proved to be impossible to produce critical knowledge on police transformation without developing a theoretical framework on the nature of the modern police and the tensions embedded in it. Hence, before analyzing the neoliberal period, the thesis attempts to develop a class-based theoretical framework on the formation of the modern police in the 19th century, and concludes that the modern police apparatus has been shaped by a specific political division of labour between the state power and the class power. The form of the police is defined according to by which of these powers it is determined more, a process which has been constituted since the 19th century by a transnational collective agency that includes various fractions of the ruling classes as well as police chiefs and police intellectuals. It is the historical materialist method that provides the theoretical toolset to make sense of the transformation taking place in the police. Having analyzed the neoliberal police reform by the help of this theoretical toolset, the thesis maintains that in the neoliberal era the police apparatuses have been reintroduced to the political sphere as &ldquo / anti-statist non-state&rdquo / actors, and started making transformative interventions in the modern political field. The police restructured as a non-state actor has been dissolving the modern political field through various strategies. The thesis specifies these strategies on the basis of the police transformation process in Turkey. The police apparatus in Turkey has been constructing itself even as a &ldquo / civil society&rdquo / organization, and redefining the processes of legitimation, and mass participation of people in politics &ndash / which are necessary aspects modern political field- through its new police ideology. The main argument of the thesis is that this process as a whole is one that restores the class power of the capitalists over the police.

Esta tese avalia o impacto do treinamento no desempenho individual, durante a abordagem, analisando a capacidade de um grupo de policiais militares seguir procedimentos operacionais padrão (POP), após o treinamento. Em 2002, a Polícia Militar do Estado de São Paulo criou o SISUPA Sistema de Supervisão e Padronização uma política que padroniza procedimentos operacionais e sistematiza a supervisão e treinamento dos policiais de rua. Desempenhar as tarefas cotidianas de maneira coerente com os procedimentos padronizados pode diminuir tanto o grau de exposição ao risco do policial, como a possibilidade de prática abusiva. Em pesquisa realizada anteriormente constatamos a tendência do policial não seguir os POP de abordagem (PINC, 2007a). Entendemos que esse resultado estava relacionado a ausência de treinamento. Neste sentido, a hipótese central desta pesquisa sustenta que o treinamento aproxima o comportamento individual do policial, durante as abordagens, do padrão estabelecido pela polícia. Para testar esta hipótese realizamos um quase experimento com dois grupos não-equivalentes. Os grupos foram observados por meio da técnica da observação social sistemática (OSS), que registrou as imagens do desempenho dos policiais realizando abordagens sem que soubessem que estavam sendo observados. Como instrumento de avaliação do desempenho, usamos um questionário para buscar identificar a presença de quatorze procedimentos padronizados, em cada uma das 199 abordagens selecionadas na amostra. O treinamento de 60 horas foi aplicado a apenas um dos grupos, entre a primeira e a segunda etapa da OSS. A análise de regressão empregou o modelo estatístico do Difference-in-Difference. Os resultados indicam que o treinamento não atingiu o objetivo de mudar comportamento. Por fim, entendemos que esse resultado está relacionado, principalmente, à metodologia empregada no treinamento. / thesis evaluates the impact of the training on individual performance during the stop and search, analyzing the ability of a group of military police officer following standard procedures after training. In 2002, the Military Police of São Paulo State created a policy which standardized operational procedures (SOP) and a system of supervision and training. Performing daily tasks in a manner consistent with the standardized procedures can reduce both the degree of risk to the police officer and the possibility of abusive practice. Earlier research showed the tendency of the police officer not following the SOP (PINC, 2007a). I argue that the result was related to the absence of training. In this sense, the central hypothesis of this research establishes that training procedures might change police officers behavior by assuring the compliance with institutional standards. To test this hypothesis this study developed a quasi-experiment with two non-equivalent groups. The groups were observed by the systematic social observation (SSO) technique, which videotaped the performance of police officers during the stop and search without knowing they were being watched. The research used a questionnaire as instrument to identify the presence of fourteen standard procedures in each of the 199 stop and search selected in the sample. The 60 hours of training was applied to just one group, between the first and second stage of the SSO. Regression analysis used the statistical model of the Difference-in-Difference. The results indicate that training has not changed the police officers behavior. Finally, this result is mainly related to the methodology used in the training.

The aim behind this work was to investigate whether the Police Authority's reorganization in 2015 had any impact on local policing. In order to get an answer to this, 8 local police officers were interviewed in different regions around the country. Due to the current situation with Covid-19, and geographical distances, these semi- structured interviews were conducted over the phone. This was because the interview participants were not willing to meet and also on the recommendation not to travel around Sweden.The results of the interviews showed that the majority of participants were dissatisfied with the reorganization. The implementation of the reorganization led to disappointment and dismissal among police employees, partly due to dissatisfaction with changes that led to the disappearance of important skills. The positive thing, on the other hand, was that communication and flexibility among different police regions had improved.The participants in the interview were the common conclusion that the Police Authority should listen to those who work in the field in order to create as good a authority as possible. / Syftet bakom detta arbete var att undersöka om Polismyndighetens omorganisation år 2015 haft någon påverkan på det lokala polisarbetet. För att få svar på detta intervjuades 8 lokalpoliser i olika regioner runtom i landet. På grund av den rådande situationen med Covid-19, samt geografiska avstånd, genomfördes semistrukturerade intervjuer på telefon. Detta berodde på att intervjudeltagarna inte var villiga att träffas och även på rekommendationen att inte resa runt i Sverige.Resultatet av intervjuerna visade på att majoriteten av deltagarna var missnöjda med omorganisationen. Genomförandet av omorganisationen ledde till besvikelse och uppsägningar bland de polisanställda, bland annat på grund av missnöje kring förändringar som gjorde att viktig kompetens försvann. Det positiva, å andra sidan, var att kommunikationen och flexibiliteten bland olika polisregioner blivit bättre. Intervjudeltagarnas gemensamma slutsats var att Polismyndigheten bör lyssna på de som arbetar ute på fält för att kunna skapa en sån bra myndighet som möjligt.