Within the disciplines of education and political science, the phenomenon of the voluntary transfer of policy ideas or practices from elsewhere, or “policy borrowing”, is often the topic of intense debate and study. The study of policy transfer also has strong links with the field of diffusion. Scholars in these fields study cases of policy transfer to understand (1) what motives and mechanisms cause policy diffusion and transfer, and (2) how policies are adapted, or reinvented, in the process of being transferred. The majority of such studies have focused on state-to-state cases of policy transfer involving predominantly government actors. Yet, a growing but still limited number of studies have considered the ways policy entrepreneurs have initiated transfer and utilized networks to bring about and implement policy ideas taken from elsewhere. Teach First provides a unique case-study through which to investigate the role of policy entrepreneurs and networks in shaping the process of policy transfer and reinvention. Teach First launched in 2002 as a non-profit organization and innovative teacher training programme based in London. The scheme, proposed and implemented by leaders within the private sector but heavily funded by the central government, was publicly linked to the U.S. programme Teach For America (TFA). Like TFA, Teach First’s purpose was to improve the schooling of disadvantaged pupils by recruiting elite university graduates to teach for two years in under-resourced schools. My research aimed to uncover how and why this policy was first conceptualized and launched as well as how it was reinvented in the process by those individuals and groups involved. Thus, through a case-study of Teach First’s emergence, this study investigates: What roles do policy entrepreneurs and networks play in policy transfer and diffusion processes? and How are policy entrepreneurs and networks involved in reinventing policy during the transfer process? To explore these research questions, I carried out semi-structured interviews with more than 50 individuals from various sectors who were involved in the creation of either Teach First or TFA. After transcribing all interviews, I used a form of narrative analysis to reconstruct the policy story of how Teach First emerged. In the process, I uncovered and accounted for the diversity of motives, institutional pressures, and contextual factors shaping Teach First’s development with a focus on the policy entrepreneurs and networks. Drawing on previous research in policy transfer, innovation-diffusion, and institutionalism to analyze the policy story, I concluded that both policy entrepreneurs and networks were responsible for bringing about transfer of TFA to England and shaping the nature and extent of its reinvention. This temporal process was furthered shaped by the highly politicized nature of initial teacher training in England, which limited the autonomy of policy entrepreneurs and forced further adaptation of Teach First in ways that its original sponsors had not intended. I also discovered that, while the TFA model played an influential role in this process, TFA was not generally used as a guiding model during implementation. Furthermore, I argue that in the process of mobilizing support for Teach First and implementing the idea in its first year, a new network emerged and represented a potentially influential new voice in education. This study aims to contribute to (1) the knowledge of the roles of policy entrepreneurs and networks in policy innovation, diffusion, and transfer and (2) the growing but still limited research on Teach First. This study also provides a foundation for further studies of Teach For All, an organization co-founded in 2007 by Teach First and TFA, which works to spread the programme globally. Through Teach For All, at least thirty-eight other countries now have programmes modeled on TFA and Teach First, though little research has examined how Teach First came about and spread in this way. Finally, the research also illustrates the value of a methodology not often used in transfer studies – narrative reconstruction – through which data is formed into a storied narrative to account for the complexities of the contexts and the socially–constructed views of the diversity of actors involved in policy-making and transfer.

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / Agenda setting is about how some issues get onto the policy agenda for discussion and action why others do not. Drawing critically on the ―policy windows‖ approach of J.W Kingdon (2003) this dissertation will describe and explain the shifting of policy agendas in health with reference to human resources in Zambia between 2000 and 2006. This research explores how and why the issue of human resource shortages in health became prominent on the state‘s agenda in 2005.The research is a qualitative study and data was collected using both primary and secondary sources of data across various stakeholders in the country. It tested the applicability of Kingdon‘s conceptual framework to a case study of Zambian health policy by analysing the degree to which agenda-formation is influenced by such factors as issue definition, the presence of policy alternatives, presidential support, interest group advocacy, media attention, political cycles, and public opinion. The general elections scheduled for the following year, coupled with media attention and strong public action contributed to the selection of the human resource crisis as an issue on the state‘s agenda for serious action. Furthermore, the slow progress on the attainment of the health related Millennium Development Goals and the poor performance of some donor funded programmes necessitated the state to act. Despite some weaknesses, Kingdon‘s multiple streams approach was found to be useful in explaining the agenda-setting of the Human Resources for Health Strategic Plan (2006-2010) in Zambia.

The aim of the thesis was to find the process of agenda-setting the politics of fight against extremism in the year 2009. The whole problems are researched on the basis of the Multiple Stream Theory by American scientist J. W. Kingdon and its particular modification by Nikolaos Zahariadis. This theory is based on the existence of three streams with independent development. That is problem stream, politics stream and policy stream. Under specific circumstances the three streams clash and in this case a policy window is going to be opened. Opening of the policy window is a sign for policy entrepreneurs who can influence the agenda-setting of new politics. Agenda setting takes place in the Windows called Coupling. In the context of agenda setting of the politics of fight against extremism the Problem Window is the most important. This window is created by various right wing extremist groups and its activity. The Politics Stream is created by the ideology of political parties and National Mood. The ideology of relevant political parties doesn't play any significant roles. The right wing political parties are included in the Problem Window and others relevant political parties have collective concern about rejection the manifestation of right extremism and they also have a unified interest on its...

Why and how do societies transform the environmental rules of economic development, or fail to do so? This article compares the experiences of Chile and Peru in the regulation of smelting activities between 1990 and 2010. Air pollution from smelters in  Chuquicamata  and  La Oroya, each emblematic of the two countries’ mining industries, did not give rise to nationally destabilising protest. Nevertheless, despite the absence of pressing discontent with pollution, the environmental rules for mining could still be improved as a result of  policy  network activism and through highly idiosyncratic institutional channels. The analysis shows that policy entrepreneurship for Chuquicamata was enhanced by a national institutional environment that favoured bureaucratic autonomy, while parallel action for La Oroya was constrained by a political economy of state weakness and elite disregard. / ¿Por qué y cómo las sociedades transforman las reglas ambientales del desarrollo económico, o fracasan en hacerlo? Este artículo compara las experiencias de Chile y Perú en la regulación de las actividades de las fundidoras de metales entre 1990 y 2010. La contaminación del aire por parte de las fundidoras en Chuquicamata y La Oroya, sitios mineros emblemáticos de ambos países, no generó protestas nacionales desestabilizadoras. Sin embargo, pese a la ausencia de un fuerte descontento debido a la contaminación, las reglas ambientales para la minería pudieron ser mejoradas como resultado del trabajo de redes de activistas (policy network activism) y a través de canales institucionales altamente idiosincráticos. El análisis muestra que los emprendedores de políticas públicas (policy entrepreneurs) para Chuquicamata se fortalecieron por un ambiente institucional nacional que favoreció la autonomía burocrática, mientras que una acción paralela en La Oroya fue frenada por una economía política enmarcada en la debilidad estatal y el poco interés de las élites.

Throughout the Cold War antagonisms of the twentieth century, the United States (US) championed greater global economic cooperation and an embrace of free market principles to encourage economic growth. Post World War II, passage of the Bretton Woods Agreement institutionalized this political agenda effectively establishing the rules of global commerce. The result has been increased economic participation and trade liberalization. One of the last remaining vestiges of Cold War hostility and impediments to trade is the US economic embargo of Cuba, in place since 1960. Increasingly seen as a policy failure, the US has taken steps in the past two years to normalize relations with Cuba. At the same time, after extended conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq, economic recession, and political polarization over the last fifteen years the US finds itself in a position of ambiguity towards additional foreign commitments. American efforts to open Cuba to two-way commerce serve both national security and economic foreign policy agendas. For Cubans, removal of the embargo represents an opportunity for normal relations with the world’s largest economy and access to capital and markets that come with it. The purpose of this study is to test the theory political economy, which attempts to understand society through the intersection of economic, political, and social functions, using US-Cuba diplomacy as a case study (Yin, 2009). Working within a multiple streams framework, the investigator examined how economic policy is changed under politically ambiguous conditions through a series of 20 semi-structured qualitative interviews and content analysis of secondary data sources (Zahariadis, 2014). Specifically, the study explored the behavior of interested individuals from the US and Cuba, so-called policy entrepreneurs, and their influence on the policymaking process during an open policy window. Research results suggest that policy entrepreneurs operate at the individual, state, and national scales of society using a variety of symbols to create and broaden opportunities for policy change. Across all three levels, US and Cuban policy entrepreneur’s behavior is guided by the search for rationality in ambiguous times, but their agency is bounded by the institutionally determined parameters of what is legally and politically acceptable.

What motivates the State to modify its environmental institutional legacy? What are the conditions to strengthen or weaken the control over the environment? ftis article describes the growth and development of the environmental institutionality from the fiscalization, having as experience the development of the Organismo de Evaluación y Fiscalización Ambiental (OEFA) from its creation to the present. ftis research seeks to identify the factors and conditions for the strengthening and weakening of environmental fiscalization. fte sum of the elements such as state strength and bureaucracy, policy entrepreneurs, institutional change, interest groups and international requirements could explain when the strengthening or weakening of environmental control is considered, the increase or decrease in the fiscalization patterns and the levels of institutional affectation. / ¿Qué motiva al Estado a modificar su legado institucional ambiental? ¿Cuáles son las condiciones para fortalecer o debilitar la fiscalización sobre el medio ambiente? Este artículo describe el crecimiento y el desarrollo de la institucionalidad ambiental a partir de la fiscalización teniendo como experiencia el desenvolvimiento del Organismo de Evaluación y Fiscalización Ambiental (OEFA) desde su creación hasta la actualidad. Esta investigación busca identificar los factores y las condiciones para el fortalecimiento y debilitamiento de la fiscalización ambiental. La suma de los elementos como fortaleza y burocracia estatal, emprendedores de políticas, cambio institucional, grupos de interés y exigencias internacionales podrían explicar en qué momento se plantea el fortalecimiento o el debilitamiento de la fiscalización ambiental, el incremento o la disminución en los patrones de fiscalización y los niveles de afectación institucional.

This paper analyzes Swedish steel company’s SSAB commitment to the green transition focusing on how and why aspects. The how part of this problem relates to topical conjunctures, which emerge independently of a company. The why part of this problem relates to institutional commitments carried on within a company and how a company potentially can differ vis-à-vis other companies. Formally the research question for this dissertation is: "To what extent did policy windows, policy entrepreneurs, proactive development pair and networks, and resources contribute to SSAB’s commitment to green transition for steel production in the 2020s?". Due to the explorative nature of my research question, the case study method is used where secondary data is gathered from Swedish newspapers (Dagens Nyheter, Dagens Industri and Svenska Dagbladet), SSAB press releases, annual reports, and other relevant publications. The study uses a deductive approach, where the theory provides a framework through which gathered findings are analyzed. The main theories and concepts used in this study are Kingdon’s “Policy Windows” or Agenda-Setting Theory and Policy Entrepreneurs, Fridlund’s concept of Development Pair and Networks, and Penrose’s Resource Theory.

O trabalho é o estudo de um caso crucial (Eckstein) de um município pobre e populoso (Sobral, no Estado nordestino do Ceará) dentro do contexto de um problema de cunho nacional o baixo rendimento sistemático e estrutural dos alunos brasileiros nos testes padronizados nacionais e internacionais, inclusive em relação ao processo escolar mais elementar, que é o processo de alfabetização emerge como um exemplo de sucesso escolar. Todos indicadores educacionais de Sobral mostram uma trajetória consistente e sustentável de melhoria, que descola da dos demais municípios de mesmo porte populacional no Brasil, mas que segue em paralelo ao Estado do Ceará. As perguntas que a pesquisa pretendeu responder são: 1) Como foi que Sobral chegou a alcançar os níveis de desempenho nas provas padronizadas nacionais? Que fatos, políticas públicas ou atores teriam contribuído para que as escolas do Município alcançassem os resultados que justificam o presente estudo? e 2) Seria possível repetir essa experiência em outros municípios do Brasil? Ou seja, é possível sobralizar a educação brasileira?. Os objetivos da investigação foram situar as reformas educacionais do Município no amplo contexto nacional e internacional das reformas do tipo qualidade dos anos 1990/2000, identificando e categorizando os principais fator e componentes de política pública em nível local, estadual e nacional que contribuíram para seu sucesso cotejando-os com teorias existentes e já validadas em outros contextos. Os principais condicionantes das reformas exitosas de Sobral identificados são o conjunto formado por policy, polity e politics: a) um processo de parametrização de expectativas de aprendizagem e de alfabetização (Linhares) que reflete o consenso internacional sobre o tema (policy), b) a adoção institucionalizada de conceitos e práticas de eficácia escolar na gestão pedagógica e escolar da Rede (polity), descritos por Lezotte, Edmonds, Levin e Fullan, e c) um conjunto de lideranças com crenças fortes o suficiente para sustentar uma coalizão longeva (politics), conforme Kingdon, Sabatier e Jenkins, o qual mantém a estabilidade e o aprimoramento contínuo das políticas. Com o primeiro objetivo cumprido e com base nas teorias a eles relacionadas, que, no contexto de Sobral, foram novamente validadas, responde-se a segunda pergunta. Sobralizar ou cearalizar a educação no restante do Brasil depende de ações políticas suficientes para alterar a dinâmica de forças que disputam recursos e poder no âmbito das reformas do tipo qualidade no Brasil (matriz de Wilson e Corrales), com o objetivo de pacificar: a) a polêmica em torno do processo de alfabetização e do estabelecimento de parâmetros ambiciosos de aprendizagem para todos os alunos; b) a profissionalização da instituição escola, fomentando uma cultura de sucesso acadêmico a partir da escola pública e c) o reconhecimento do monitoramento incansável dos processos de aprendizagem para garantir que todos os alunos aprendam de acordo com os parâmetros estabelecidos. / The work is a crucial case study (Eckstein) of a poor and populous Municipality (Sobral, in the Northeastern State of Ceará) within the context of a nationwide problem - the systematic and structural low performance of Brazilian students in national and international standardized tests, including those related to the assessment of the most elementary school process, alphabetization - emerges as an example of school success. All educational indicators in Sobral show a consistent and sustainable improvement track record, which takes off from that of other municipalities of the same population size in Brazil, but which runs parallel to the state of Ceará. The questions that the research intended to answer are: 1) \"How did Sobral reach the levels of performance in national standardized tests? What facts, public policies or actors would have contributed to the municipal schools achieving the results that justify this study? \", and 2)\" Would it be possible to repeat this experience in other municipalities in Brazil? In other words, is it possible to sobralize the Brazilian education? \" The objectives of the research were to situate the educational reforms of the Municipality in the broad national and international context of the quality reforms of 1990/2000, identifying and categorizing the main factors and components of public policy at local, state and national level that contributed to its success by comparing them with existing theories and validated in other contexts. The main determinants of Sobral\'s successful reforms identified are the set of policy, polity and politics: a) a process of parameterization of learning and literacy expectations (Linhares) that reflects the international consensus on the theme (policy), b) the institutionalized adoption of concepts and practices of school effectiveness in the pedagogical and school management of the local Department of Education (polity), described by Lezotte, Edmonds, Levin and Fullan, and c) leaderships with beliefs strong enough to sustain a longstanding political coalition, according to Kingdon, Sabatier and Jenkins, which maintains the stability and the continuous improvement of the policies. With the first objective fulfilled based on pertinent theories, which were, in the context of Sobral, again validated, the second question is answered. \"Sobralizar\" or \"cearalizar\" education in the rest of Brazil depends on political actions sufficient to change the dynamics of forces that compete for resources and power in the scope of reforms of the quality type in Brazil (Wilson and Corrales matrix), in order to pacify: a) the controversy surrounding the literacy process and the establishment of ambitious learning parameters for all students; b) the professionalization of the school institution, fostering a culture of academic success from the public school, and c) recognition of relentless monitoring of learning processes to ensure that all students learn according to established parameters.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T19:15:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 6395.pdf: 1028956 bytes, checksum: 2dfa4c8fb650d7cac141030b857d381c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-29 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / This study aims to understand and clarify the role of the former Minister of Federal Administration and State Reform (1995 1998), Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira, in the strategic position of the main formulator of the public management reform in Brazil. In this sense, we will provide a Reform explanation observing how the political and intellectual construction of this public policy directly derived from the persuasive action Bresser Pereira in exercising the "power of ideas". Here, we consider as essential the structural limits of the Ministry of Federal Administration and State Reform as the fundamental political and institutional locus for the formulation of policy reform. Thus, through the analysis of the profile and policy measures undertaken by the former minister Bresser, according to the theoretical framework adopted, with particular emphasis on the theoretical model of John Kingdon, we verify the existence of a typical policy entrepreneur in action. Therefore, we demonstrate that Bresser Pereira exercised the intellectual and political leadership at the time of construction and dissemination of the main principles of the o called "New Public Management" in Brazil, supporting the reform policy of the first Fernando Henrique Cardoso s administration. Our focus on the performance and characteristic profile of the chosen entrepreneur reveals that the individual action of the actors is an important dimension in public policy production process. Thus, we intend to contribute to enrich the academic production in the field of political science and its intersection with the area of public policy, filling analytical gaps about the performance of policy entrepreneurs, providing a new theoretical and empirical analysis research about the State Reform in Brazil. / Neste trabalho buscamos compreender e lançar luzes sobre o papel do ex-ministro da Administração Federal e da Reforma do Estado (1995 1998), Luiz Carlos Bresser Pereira, na condição de principal formulador e empreendedor da Reforma da Administração Pública de 1995 no Brasil. Para tanto, forneceremos uma explicação da Reforma observando como se deu a construção política e intelectual desta política pública a partir da ação persuasiva de Bresser Pereira ao exercer o poder das ideias , considerando os limites estruturais do MARE enquanto o lócus político-institucional fundamental para a formulação da política de Reforma da Gestão Pública de 1995. Através da análise do perfil e das iniciativas políticas levadas a cabo pelo ex-ministro Bresser, segundo os marcos teóricos adotados, com especial destaque para o modelo teórico de John Kingdon, verificamos a existência de um típico empreendedor de políticas públicas em ação. Assim, demonstraremos que o então ministro exerceu a liderança intelectual e política no momento de construção e disseminação dos principais fundamentos da chamada Nova Gestão Pública no Brasil, sustentando a política de Reforma da Administração Pública do primeiro governo de Fernando Henrique Cardoso. Nosso foco, na atuação e no perfil peculiar do empreendedor escolhido, revela que a ação individual dos atores é uma dimensão importante no processo de produção de políticas públicas. Assim, pretendemos contribuir para enriquecer os trabalhos acadêmicos do campo da Ciência Política e sua intersecção com a área de políticas públicas, preenchendo lacunas analíticas sobre a atuação dos empreendedores de políticas públicas , fornecendo uma análise teórico-empírica ainda não realizada no âmbito das pesquisas sobre a Reforma do Estado no Brasil.

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