Access to water from San Antonio Creek was critical in Claremont’s growth from a small stop on the Santa Fe Railroad to an agricultural powerhouse and an elite college town. While Claremont has sought to distinguish itself from surrounding communities since its founding in 1882, the innovative Pomona Valley Protective Association (PVPA) aligned Claremont with the City of Pomona and its other neighbors in a scheme to conserve the Creek’s resources at the turn of the century. Organized around the discovery of local confined aquifers and the development of a strategy to recharge them with water from the San Antonio Creek, the Association was a contradictory moment of cooperation in an otherwise highly contentious zero-sum game of water rights politics. As conflicts wore on, the PVPA quietly orchestrated the purchase of large tracts of land in the San Antonio Creekbed, where the construction of diversion dams and spreading grounds served dual purposes of water conservation and flood control. As dam building in the Creekbed continued, large tracts of the previously undevelopable Wash were transferred to the aggregate mining institutions that gouged the area’s many gravel pits. This thesis uses the story of the PVPA and the contemporary example of the Claremont University Consortium Gravel Pit to explore the context of development in the San Antonio Creek Wash. Understanding the political and social contexts of the gravel quarry problem reveals possibilities for a more integrative, conscious, and sustainable approach to improving the former gravel quarries that currently occupy the Wash landscape.

Peng, Handa. / "August 2011." / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-83). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.1 / 摘要 --- p.2 / Acknowledgements --- p.3 / Introduction --- p.6 / Chapter Section I --- Literature Review --- p.11 / Theories on Sovereign Default --- p.11 / Historical Case Studies on Sovereign Default --- p.15 / Brief Summary on the Existing Theories and Empirical Cases --- p.16 / Chapter Section II --- Historical Backgrounds --- p.21 / Political Instability and Military Expenditures --- p.21 / Fiscal Status during the rule of the Nanking Government --- p.22 / Silver Standard and Currency Reform in 1935 --- p.26 / Chapter Section III --- Sovereign Default and Restructuring Episodes of the Nanking Government --- p.29 / Data --- p.29 / Sovereign Debt as a Heritage --- p.30 / Background Information of the Debts --- p.34 / The Restructuring Episode --- p.37 / Market Reactions --- p.42 / Chapter Section IV --- Capital Market Access and Reputational Theories in the Restructuring Episode --- p.45 / Access to the International Capital Market --- p.45 / Relevance of the Traditional Reputational Model --- p.48 / Signaling Model and Role of Reputation --- p.51 / Chapter Section V --- Role of Sanctions in the Restructuring Episode --- p.57 / Analytical Framework of the Sanctions Model --- p.57 / Three Possible Channels of Direct Sanctions --- p.60 / Chapter Section VI --- Informational Explanation of the Restructuring Episode --- p.64 / A Practical Analytical Framework for the Informational Model --- p.64 / Issue of Credibility and Currency Reform --- p.66 / The Need for the Settlement of Old Debts --- p.68 / Outcomes --- p.73 / Summary --- p.77 / Conclusion --- p.79 / References --- p.81 / Chapter Appendix I --- Basic information on Chinese sovereign bonds traded in the London Stock Exchange --- p.84 / Chapter Appendix II --- Price of Chinese Sovereign Bonds traded in the London Stock Exchange --- p.86 / Chapter Appendix III --- Price level change around the settlement of two Tienstin-Pukow loans --- p.93 / Chapter Appendix IV --- "Price levels and yield to maturities of the Chinese sovereign bonds on November 1，1935 and June 25, 1937" --- p.94 / Chapter Table I --- Classification of Literatures on Cost of Sovereign Defaults --- p.17 / Chapter Graph I --- Fiscal Status of China in the Nanking Decade --- p.22 / Chapter Graph II --- Breakdown of Revenue --- p.23 / Chapter Graph III --- Breakdown of Expenditures --- p.24 / Chapter Graph IV --- Financing Methods of Government Deficit --- p.25 / Chapter Graph V --- Time Distribution of Borrowing and Defaulting of Old Debts --- p.32 / Chapter Table II --- Purpose of the Old Debts --- p.35 / Chapter Table III --- Lending Countries of the Old Debts --- p.35 / Chapter Table IV --- Collateral of the Old Debts --- p.36 / Chapter Table V --- Currency Denomination of the Old Debs --- p.37 / Chapter Graph VI --- Restructuring Time Distributions --- p.39 / Chapter Graph VII --- Time distribution of new debts obtained during the Nanjing government --- p.46 / Chapter Graph VIII --- Exports and Imports of China in 1921-1937 --- p.61 / Chapter Graph IX --- "Wholesale Price Index in Shanghai, 1929-1937" --- p.74 / Chapter Graph X --- Monthly Exchange Rate of Chinese Currency to U.S. Dollar (Indirect Quotation) --- p.74 / Chapter Graph XI --- "Net Domestic Capital Formation in China, 1931-1936" --- p.76 / Chapter Graph XII --- "Industrial Product and Its Growth Rate in China, 1928-1936" --- p.76

This extended case analysis thus demonstrates the intricate relationship between complex state capacities and cultural hegemony. It aims to deepen our understanding of the cultural history and state nature of Mao's China; theoretically, it aims to bring the state back into the cultural analysis based on a more solid foundation of state theory and provide a reference case for applying state theory to analyze cultural and other issues. / This research is an empirical analysis of the cultural hegemony pursued by Mao's China (1949-1966) in the field of mass culture. Based on the empirical research of this study, and inspired by the perspective of "Bringing the State back in" School, and the "State in Society" theory as well, this research put forth the theoretical perspective of "Complex Vision of State Capacities", which highlights the uneven-ness of state capacities in different fields and different aspects of the same field, and emphasizes that we should pay attention to both the strong state capacities, weak state capacities, the paradox of strong state capacities, the conflict between different state projects and the influence of "policy feedback" on state capacities. Based on the Extended Case Method, this research selects the Dashijie Amusement Center in Shanghai as the subject of research. It analyzes how the new regime effectively took over and transformed Dashijie, and meanwhile, demonstrates that under the influence of the complex state capacities, Dashijie gradually lost its original characteristics as an amusement center, and became more and more similar with Workers' Club. This phenomenon is called as cultural isomorphism. Negotiational hegemony to some extent alleviated this situation of cultural isomorphism, while zero-sum hegemony exacerbated it. With this development, the number of audience of Dashijie dropped a lot, which implies the predicament of cultural hegemony in the field of mass culture pursued by the totalistic state. Following the methodological perspective of the Extended Case Method, and also inspired by Bourdieu's theory of cultural field, this research further analyzes the evolution of Shanghai Bureau of Cultural Affairs. It demonstrated that, compared with the Nationalist Government, the new regime took further step in state building in the field of mass culture, advancing the bureaucratization of cultural administrative apparatuses and penetrating the state power into the cultural field at the grass-roots level. On the other hand, this research also reveals that the new regime is constrained by the weak state capacities in financial resources, human capital, sufficient bureaucratization, and the limitation of state capacities in the heterogeneity of the masses and the asynchronous-ness of structural transformation. As a result, the state capacity of the totalistic state in eradicating the production and circulation of the old mass cultural products is relatively strong and thus relatively successful, while the state capacity in constructing a new socialist mass culture, which was expected to be widely accepted by the masses, is relatively weak and thus relatively unsuccessful. In the view of "Complex Vision of State Capacities", negotiational hegemony reflected the recognition of complex state capacities, and it was thus necessary and beneficial for the state project of cultural hegemony; while the zero-sum hegemony reflected lack of recognition of or even did not accept the situation of complex state capacities, and thus exacerbated the situation of cultural isomorphism, leading to the final predicatement of cultural hegemony. / 肖文明. / Adviser: Hoi-man Chan. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-04, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 323-339). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Xiao Wenming.

洪若震. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2006. / 參考文獻(p. 273-285). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006. / Can kao wen xian (p. 273-285). / Hong Ruozhen.

羅杜芳. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 210-215) / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Luo Dufang.

On October 1, 2018, Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto, U.S. President Donald Trump, and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau signed the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), concluding 13 months of negotiations that concerned economies totaling 27.88% of world GDP. The recentness, magnitude, and relevance of the USMCA invokes a comprehensive analysis of the multidimensional factors that led to this agreement. Explaining the USMCA of 2018 requires insight of the continent’s political and economic forces that bound Canada, the United States, and Mexico with the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) of 1994. After doing so, this study then compiles a variety of works in a meta-analysis on NAFTA’s effects during the past 25 years. This paper finds that NAFTA achieved its intended goals, but failed to anticipate many negative repercussions for which it is criticized today. Then, this study investigates the demand for renegotiation of NAFTA which was triggered by Donald Trump calling it “the worst trade deal in history maybe ever” during his presidential campaign. However, when presenting the new USMCA to the press, he described it as a “wonderful new trade deal.” Therefore, study analyzes how different the USMCA is from NAFTA, and finds that the few changes are explained by a modernization of certain chapters to adapt the treaty to the digital era. These modifications heavily resonate the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a regional free trade agreement that included the U.S. until President Trump withdrew from it. What then results to be a rebranding of other agreements is predicted here to bring more political repercussions than economic change, as elections in Canada dawn later this year and in the U.S. in 2020. Ultimately, each party succeeded per its own renegotiation objectives; Mexico and Canada sought market penetration in the U.S., whereas the U.S. sought concessions and an end to NAFTA. Ratification of the USMCA is pending at the domestic level of each country, which this paper predicts will occur successfully, perhaps even before the end of 2019. Nonetheless, despite the modernization efforts involved in producing the USMCA, this paper questions whether the agreement equips these three member states to face the challenges of tomorrow.

In 1963, President John F. Kennedy signed the Mental Retardation and Community Mental Health Centers Construction Act, establishing the beginnings of deinstitutionalization in the United States. By some counts, this Act was a stupendous policy success—by others, a dismal failure. 50 years later, no cohesive national mental health care policy has emerged to deal with increased rates of mental illness among the homeless and the incarcerated. However, California has made enormous strides to create a state policy which provides adequate services to the mildly, moderately, and severely mentally ill as well as adequate funding for those services through Proposition 63, the Mental Health Services Act, passed in 2004. This paper reviews mental health policy history from Colonial America to the present, paying special attention to JFK's deinstitutionalization in 1963 and the discontents that followed. It takes a special look at California's mental health care policy history and the strides the state has made to better serve the mentally ill.

Orientador: Mara Regina Martins Jacomeli / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T20:17:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Almeida_EnioAntoniode_M.pdf: 2909042 bytes, checksum: 22a9b5136762906c97b2651f97e788c9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: A presente dissertação elucida a história da instituição de ensino militar paulista, Academia do Barro Branco, localizada na zona norte da capital, notadamente quanto ao momento da criação dessa escola de formação de oficiais da então Força Pública, fato ocorrido em 1913 com a publicação da Lei Estadual que criava o Curso Especial Militar, com a colaboração de uma missão estrangeira de instrução militar. Esse grupo foi contratado pelo governo estadual paulista junto ao exército francês, e seus trabalhos se iniciaram em 1906. Como verificamos na pesquisa, a criação da Academia visou à manutenção da hegemonia política da oligarquia cafeeira do oeste paulista em todo país. A atual Academia do Barro Branco é o local onde são formados os profissionais da área de segurança pública, responsáveis pelo comando dos policiais militares que atuam em todas as cidades do Estado de São Paulo no atendimento emergencial da população em casos de crimes e outras demandas públicas, bem como no policiamento ostensivo para preservar aquilo que o capitalismo define como ordem pública. Essa escola militar, portanto, resulta de um processo histórico iniciado a partir da profissionalização da então Força Pública durante a República Velha, empreendimento eivado do ideário republicano e demais ideologias que permeavam o discurso educacional da época. Metodologicamente, para a elaboração do trabalho, foi procedido amplo levantamento bibliográfico sobre o período e a temática; recorrendo-se também às fontes primárias relativas à criação e implementação da Academia. Em seus capítulos, verificam-se a contextualização histórica na transição Império-República, o histórico da força policial paulista até o período de interesse da pesquisa e a inserção do objeto de estudo na legislação da época; descreve-se a invernada do Barro Branco - local escolhido para a instalação da escola pesquisada - e analisa-se a evolução curricular do Curso de Formação de Oficiais. / Abstract: This dissertation elucidates the history of the Military Training School named "Barro Branco" Academy, located in the north of the capital city, São Paulo, mainly regarding the particular occasion of the creation of this training school for officers of the then Public Force, what took place in 1913 when the State Law was promulgated and the Special Military Course was created with the cooperation of a foreign mission for military training. The Sao Paulo State Government made an agreement with the French Army and the work of the foreign group started in 1906. As it can be observed in the research, the purpose of creating the Academy was to keep on the political hegemony of the coffee oligarchy from the west of São Paulo throughout the country. The "Barro Branco" Academy is now the place where professionals of the public safety area are trained to be responsible for the command of military officers who work in all the towns and cities of São Paulo State providing the population with emergency care concerning crimes and other public demands as well as ostensible policing in order to preserve what the capitalism calls public order. This military school, therefore, is the result of a historical process, which began with the professionalization of the then Public Force during the Old Republic, and reflects the Republican Thinking together with other ideologies that permeated the educational speech of the time. Methodologically, to elaborate this dissertation, an extensive bibliography survey was performed on the period of the facts and on the main theme, making use of the primary sources related to the creation and implementation of the Academy. In its chapters, it is possible to observe the historical context during the transition period from the Empire to the Republic System as well as a detailed report on the police force in São Paulo up to the research period of interest and the insertion of the object of study in the legislation of the time. It is also described the development of the "Barro Branco Academy", the place where the researched training school was installed. In the end, an analysis is made on the curricular evolution of the Officers Training Course. / Mestrado / Filosofia e História da Educação / Mestre em Educação

Doctorat en philosophie et lettres / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Since 1979, Saudi-Iranian relations have been tense due to their position as superior powers in the Middle East. Both countries have different values and perspectives in regards to diplomatic relations with the West. As a consequence of the new developments in Iran's foreign policy and the newfound openness to the West adopted by President Rouhani, the topic has proven to be of research interest. The primary concern of this research was to explore the effect of the conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran in the Middle East, and whether or not there is a possibility to overcome this conflict using the new political developments. For this purpose, a content analysis methodology was employed. Through an analysis of data presented in the literature review, which consisted of scholarly articles, policy briefs, and books, this dissertation examines the complex political relations through which the pattern of the bilateral relations explain the conflicting narratives. This complexity is present in the political actions taken by Iran and Saudi Arabia, as well as the domestic and foreign policies they are embracing. The findings of this study demonstrate the effect of this conflict in the Middle East. The research also proposes a number of possible recommendations on how to resolve this conflict through political openness and reciprocal agreements that target the citizens of Iran and Saudi Arabia.