This study investigates the apparent threat assessment priorities of potential risks to safety in the school environment in the United States and whether stakeholders in Florida private schools that serve exceptional students agree with the priority given to specific identified potential threats. Faculty and staff, high school students, and the students’ parents and guardians at four Florida private schools for exceptional students rated their perceptions of the severity and likelihood of occurrence of nine potential threats identified in a review of federal and Florida state school safety laws and national and state government surveys of incident occurrences. Results showed that although violent potential threats such as an armed intruder, students bringing weapons to school, and physical assaults received priority attention in federal and state school safety laws, stakeholders in Florida private schools for exceptional students indicated that threats of a more personal nature—such as bullying, sexual harassment, and cyberbullying—were the most significant risks to the safety of their school environment. All three respondent subgroups, however, reported high ratings of their overall feelings of safety at their schools.

The United States is the only developed nation that fails to provide its citizens with paid parental leave. The lack of parental benefit provision operates to the detriment of individuals and society as a whole by contributing to inequity across gender, race, socioeconomic status, and sexual orientation. As the demographics of the American workforce have changed, public policy has not kept pace. Paid parental leave is associated a number of health, economic, and social benefits. However, the greatest barrier to legislating paid parental leave is the philosophical underpinnings of American politics, specifically the strong current of liberal individualism and absence of maternalism. This thesis examines the policy option space for paid parental leave in the United States and recommends a paid parental leave policy that is gender-neutral and has a combination of three months individual leave and three months of shared leave at 100 percent wage replacement.

Os Centros de Saúde do Rio de Janeiro são analisados enquanto uma organização estruturada para desempenhar, na área da saúde, parte das funções do aparato burocrático do Estado brasileiro. Seu papel institucional vincula-se à emergência de novos problemas sanitários numa sociedade em processo de urbanização e de consolidação de um Estado nacional. Ao longo de usa trajetória histórica passou por situações distintas, no que se refere ao seu papel no Sistema de Saúde, articuladas a determinantes de natureza técnica e política. Enquanto fenômeno burocrático, esta organização sobreviveu às diversas conjunturas históricas interpondo resistências, que se manifestaram, principalmente, pela lentidão com que eram processadas as mudanças internas propostas. / The Health Centers in the city of Rio de Janeiro are analyzed as organizations that have been structured to execute parto of the bureaucratic duties petaining to the brazilian State, as far as health care is concerned. Their role, as institutions, is related to the solution of new problems, in their sanitary aspects, that are emerging in a society in processo f increasing urbanization and inside a process of organizing a National State. Along the course of their history, these organization have overcome various distinctive situations, dependind on technical and political determinants. As bureaucratic phenomena, this organization have survived many historical conjuntures, presenting itself as resistant to the proposed changes, mainly by slow ways of implementing these propositions.

The rise of “zero tolerance” discipline practices in US primary and secondary schools has become increasingly well documented by the media and empirical studies. Despite the extensive scholarship that has emerged from these conversations, many of these analyses are limited in their scope and do not connect the phenomena of zero tolerance in schools to the diverse, shifting forces at play within American politics and policy today. As such, the goal of this work is to synthesize ideas about zero tolerance across disciplines by integrating historical thought, philosophical frameworks of punishment, shifting policy goals within the US education system, the sociological constructions of “deviance” and “disorder” in the context of the US criminal justice system, and empirical data directly from a school district to develop particular policy recommendations accordingly. The primary research question of this analysis is: What are the effects of zero tolerance discipline policies on educational outcomes? To answer this question, Chicago Public Schools will be employed as a case study from which lessons for the nation at large will be drawn. Ultimately, this analysis ends up revealing the ways in which zero tolerance policies stem from much deeper forces at play between dominant and marginal groups, and what comes to be defined as “deviance” in relation to a socially constructed system of “order.”

Orientador: José Luís Sanfelice / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T08:56:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Almeida_EnioAntoniode_D.pdf: 3725196 bytes, checksum: 6702ff36ea243f6bafd2e78bcafcd597 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: A presente tese estuda a História da Educação Brasileira de cunho militar, no tocante à instituição de ensino denominada Academia do Barro Branco, atual local de formação dos oficiais da Polícia Militar do Estado de São Paulo. A escola se localiza na Zona Norte da capital paulista e sua criação remonta ao ano de 1910. O curso de oficiais foi criado em 1913. Através da definição de categorias de análise ¿ tais como Estado Moderno, Estamento Burocrático, Ordem Pública, Militares, Polícia e Policiamento, Caráter Instrumental da Polícia, Estética Militar e Currículo ¿ procura-se verificar nos currículos de formação dos anos 1950 até os anos 2000 a hegemonia de tendências ideológicas que ali possam se manifestar. Conclui-se a análise com a tese de que na formação do oficialato paulista prevaleceu uma ótica eminentemente capitalista. Foi possível demonstrar também como a referida ótica instrumentaliza a Força Pública / Abstract: This thesis studies the history of the Brazilian Military Education, focusing on the educational institution called Barro Branco Academy, which is the current place of training for the military police officers from the state of São Paulo, Brazil. The school is located in the northern zone of São Paulo City and its creation dates back to 1910. The officers training course was created in 1913. Based on the definition of categories of analysis ¿ such as the Modern State, Bureaucratic Stament, Public Order/Policy, Military Officers, Police and Policing, Instrumental Character of the Police, Military Aesthetics and Curriculum ¿ the aim is to try to analyse, concerning the training curricula from the years 1950 to 2000, the hegemony of ideological tendencies which may possibly appear. The conclusion is that the Paulista Officers Training was mainly guided by the capitalism view. It was also possible to demonstrate in which terms the mentionated view instruments the Public Force / Doutorado / Filosofia e História da Educação / Doutor em Educação

This study will trace the history and development of a new idea in recreation, that of the Junior Sportsmen’s Club. This program was first worked out by the writer ar Lodi, California, while he was employed by the Lodi Recreation Department, and has in a few short years spread throughout the United States. The writer feels the inasmuch as the project has been an actual field experiment, his study should be of value to other communities or to other leaders in recreation. This provides the reason as well as the justification for this study.

In the undertaking a recent history of such a fundamental law as one that deals with food, drugs and cosmetics in its relationship to the human race, we should realize that such a field has a history possibly as old as man himself. There have always been individuals in the good and welfare of others, and there have always been individuals interested in taking advantage of their fellow man for personal gain, frequently in an exceedingly unscrupulous manner. The Solicitor General of the United States, in a recent paper read at the commemoration the the fortieth anniversary of the original Federal Food and Drugs Act of 1906 pointed out that "the attempts of organized society to prevent the adulteration of food and drugs date back to ancient times. The racket implicit in the purveying of adulterated and misbranded commodities is now a new one by any means -- it has been practiced from the commencement of recorded times." The officials goes on and recites specific instances, telling how Pliny the Elder complained of "white earth" in his bread, the pepperers and spicers of London in the year 1316 began to regulate the quality of their produce, brewers were subject to fines for adulterating beer in the days of William the Conqueror, food control statutes were passed in France and Germany in the thirteenth century. The first pharmacopoeia was published in England by the College of physicians in 1613. In the fourteenth century the Provost of Paris forade the artificial coloring of butter. In the United States, Congress enacted a law to prevent the importation of adulterated and spurious drugs and medicine as far back as 1846. The Department of Agriculture through its Division (later Bureau) of Chemistry from 1863 to 1906 in its reports kept calling to the attention of the various Secretaries of Agriculture, and in a measure to the attention of Congress and the people of the United States, the need for remedying conditions of food and drug frauds perpetrated upon the consumer.

Notre thèse analyse le rapport entre pratiques sociales d’intégration d’immigrés, modèles d’installation et processus de transformation de la morphologie urbaine dans deux études de cas qui se prêtent à une comparaison stimulante. D’un côté, nous avons le cas de l’émigration italienne interne vers un pole industriel de la banlieue métropolitaine milanaise (Sesto San Giovanni); de l’autre côté, celui de l’émigration italienne internationale dans une agglomération des bassins miniers wallons (La Louvière). Il s’agit de deux contextes d’insertion fort différents du point de vue de la morphologie sociale et de l’organisation territoriale, qui profilent des espaces hybrides entre rural et urbain en profonde et rapide transformation, à cause des flux massifs de la main d’œuvre immigrée. Ces différences nous permettent de mettre à l’épreuve de l’analyse comparée les conceptions sociologiques et les parcours historiques de l’intégration, du tissu sociale qui en est à la base, de la citoyenneté, de la construction d’identités collectives, afin de dépasser les dichotomies stéréotypées entre rural/urbain, tradition/modernité, intégration/conflit, migration interne/internationale. <p>La thèse développe une analyse parallèle des deux études de cas en suivant un fil argumentatif unitaire, qui s’ouvre avec une enquête sur les flux migratoires et les contextes d’accueil des migrations. Dans les deux premiers chapitres nous avons analysé le contexte économique, social et territorial dans lequel s’inscrivent les processus migratoires. Pour le cas belge, nous avons analysé le cycle de l’industrie charbonnière, le processus de dépopulation de la Wallonie et les mécanismes qui règlent les flux, c'est-à-dire une migration contractée par les deux gouvernements. En ce qui concerne le cas milanais, nous avons tracé les contours de la très rapide urbanisation, qui a conduit toute une série de communes limitrophes à Milan à entrer dans l’orbite métropolitaine et à se qualifier comme des pôles périphériques.<p>Après avoir tracé les contours du cadre général, nous avons fait face, dans la deuxième partie, à la question plus spécifique du logement et des formes d’installations. Pour le cas louviérois, nous avons reconstruit les conditions de logement et la très difficile confrontation des premiers immigrés avec le monde du travail charbonnier, l’absence d’une initiative publique dans le secteur du logement jusqu’en 1954, faiblement compensé par l’initiative patronale, et la phase suivante des années 1950, qui a mené à la stabilisation des immigrés dans la région. De Sesto San Giovanni nous avons reconstruit la transition complexe vers la périphérie métropolitaine, à partir des installations rurales jusqu’aux politiques publiques locales et nationales de construction de grands ensembles, en soulignant comment cette intervention urbanistique était au centre d’un débat très vif sur l’aménagement du territoire, qui a débouché sur la création d’institutions administratives régionales. Dans la dernière partie de la recherche nous avons plutôt approfondi les aspects sociaux et culturels des parcours d’installation et d’intégration dans les deux tissus urbains. C’est en cette partie que nous avons utilisé davantage les sources orales, afin d’analyser les perceptions de soi, les mécanismes de construction de l’identité sociale et donc tous les changements que la migration, le rencontre avec la ville et l’industrie ont entraîné dans les organisations familiales, dans les perspectives de vie, les aspirations et les projets des migrants. À partir de l’analyse de ces parcours, dans le chapitre conclusif nous avons interrogé quelques catégories historiques et sociologiques classiques des études migratoires: d’abord le sens d’appartenance à la communauté d’origine et le développement d’un sens d’identité nationale, ensuite le processus de formation d’une solidarité de classe, qui dans les deux contextes a pris des formes sensiblement distinctes surtout par rapport aux différences dans la mémoire de l’expérience migratoire.<p> / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

En Belgique, 85% des chômeurs sont affiliés à une organisation syndicale. Cette situation inhabituelle est principalement due à la fonction d’organisme de paiement des allocations de chômage que remplissent les trois syndicats interprofessionnels. L’objet de la thèse est d’examiner les origines de la relation particulière qui découle de cet état de fait et de questionner ses implications tout à la fois pour les syndicats et pour les chômeurs.<p><p>Les développements théoriques se penchent sur le mode de fonctionnement et sur les déterminants de l’action des organisations syndicales, sur les causes du chômage et ses conséquences pour les travailleurs salariés et leurs organisations, ainsi que sur les obstacles et les incitants à l’action collective contestataire des sans-emploi.<p><p>Ces outils d’analyse sont ensuite utilisés pour examiner, depuis l’origine des organisations syndicales contemporaines et de l’indemnisation du chômage, au XIXe siècle, jusqu’à la réforme du mode de contrôle des chômeurs en 2004, les fondements et l’évolution de la relation que les syndicats belges entretiennent avec les questions de l’emploi et du chômage d’une part, avec les chômeurs d’autre part.<p><p>In Belgium, 85% of the unemployed are unionised. This peculiar situation is mainly related to the specific position of the trade unions, as the jobless can choose to receive their benefits through the intervention of one of the three national unions. The Ph.D. dissertation aims at examining the origins of that specific relationship and its implications on both the trade unions and the unemployed.<p><p>The theoretical part explores the features of union action and functioning, the causes of unemployment and its consequences for the workers and their organisations, as well as the impediments and impetus to the contentious mobilisation of the unemployed.<p><p>Based on that theoretical framework, the Ph.D. dissertation then examines the origins and the evolution from the 19th century till 2004 of the union positions on the issues of employment and unemployment on the one hand, and their links with the jobless on the other.<p> / Doctorat en sciences politiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

To effectively prevent and mitigate the outbreak of natural disasters is a more pressing issue in the twenty-first century than ever before. The frequency and cost of natural disasters is rising globally, most especially in developing countries where the most severe effects of climate change are felt. However, while climate change is indeed a strong force impacting the severity of contemporary catastrophes, it is not directly responsible for the exorbitant cost of the damage and suffering incurred from natural disasters -- both financially and in terms of human life. Rather, the true root causes of natural disasters lie within the power systems at play in any given society when these regions come into contact with a hazard event. Historic processes of isolation, oppression, and exploitation, combined with contemporary international power systems, interact in complex ways to affect different socioeconomic classes distinctly. The result is to create vulnerability and scarcity among the most defenseless communities. These processes affect a society’s ideological orientation and their cultural norms, empowering some while isolating others. When the resulting dynamic socio-political pressures and root causes come into contact with a natural hazard, a disaster is likely to follow due to the high vulnerability of certain groups and their inability to adapt as conditions change. In this light, the following discussion exposes the anthropogenic roots of natural disasters by conducting a detailed case analysis of natural disasters in Haiti, Ethiopia, and Nepal.