香港醫療衛生發展的論述，通常至1941年便停止，然後由1945年重新探討，跳過了二次大戰期間的日治時代。雖然有大量關於英軍回憶、遊擊隊、一些口述歷史等的研究書籍，但這時期仍未得到充分的關注，尤其在社會發展方面。本文以《香港日報》為主要材料，嘗試析述被忽略的日治醫療衛生史。 / 有關戰前香港醫療衛生的史觀，主要有「殖民醫學」與「殖民現代性」兩套理論。前者認為殖民力量將西醫強加於本地社會；後者則強調殖民統治帶來的正面作用，和殖民地有其獨特形式的現代性。直至日治前夕，香港的中西醫仍較為對等，中醫在民間有極大支持；西醫在政府政策上享有優勢。然而戰後出現的卻是另一景象，無論民間或政府皆接受西醫為主流醫學，中醫則潛藏於民間繼續傳承。這不代表中醫已被淘汰，只是西醫的發展已蓋過中醫，其中原因須追溯日治期間。日治政府承接英國殖民政府推行西醫，社會上有大量西醫常識流通，藥物使用習慣講求科學，日治時期的這些因素都為西醫在戰後普及做準備。 / 本文為過往研究所忽略作補充，藉此重新思考「日治歷史」的意義。誠然這段歷史是傷痛的，但也不可主觀地跳過而不作討論，日治時期是連接香港二戰前後的發展。醫療衛生正是其中一個脈絡，本研究將就此提出新視角。 / The analyses on Hong Kong medical and hygienic history often split into two time slots, one from the beginning as the British colony until 1941 and the other from 1945 to the present, mostly overlooking the period of Japanese occupation from 1942 to 1945. Although there are plenty of books for general readers, for examples, memoirs of British troops and Chinese guerillas, and oral history records about the Japanese occupation in Hong Kong, this period has not yet received due academic treatment. This dissertation, therefore, studies the neglected medical history of Hong Kong under the Japanese occupation using Honkon Nippō (Hong Kong News) as the main reference. / Approaches to the discussion on prewar Hong Kong medical history apparently depend on two theories, namely the “colonial medicine and the “colonial modernity. The former perspective believes that colonial powers forced colonized societies to follow the European modernity, while the latter stresses the positive effects brought by colonizers and formations of own unique modernity among colonies. Before the Japanese occupation, both traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) and Western medicine (WM) enjoyed fair status, with the TCM gaining overwhelming support from the Hong Kong society and the latter receiving administrative advantages from the colonial government. After the WWII, however, both the Hong Kong society and the government recognized the WM to be the mainstream therapy, and thus, the TCM was only praciticed at the bottom level of society without official acknowledgement. Nevertheless, this did not represent the elimination of the TCM and merely revealed the development of WM surpassing the TCM. The reason should be traced back to the period of Japanese occupation when the government sustained the policy of the British colonial government to spread the WM, causing circulation of a large amount of medical knowledge in the society and a trend of scientific drug using. All these factors benefited to the popularization of WM in Hong Kong society after WWII. / This study fills in a missing link of previous research and rethinks the implication of the “history of Japanese occupation. Indeed, the history is painful but one should not subjectively omit it because this period connected the development of Hong Kong between prewar and postwar era. This study sheds new light on medical history as well as history of Japanese occupation. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 李威成. / "2012年8月". / "2012 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 193-201). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Li Weicheng. / 論文摘要 --- p.i / Abstract of thesis entitled --- p.ii / 鳴謝 --- p.iii / 圖表目錄 --- p.vi / Chapter 第一章 --- 導論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一節 --- 研究動機與目的 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二節 --- 文獻回顧 --- p.5 / Chapter 第三節 --- 研究方法 --- p.12 / Chapter 第四節 --- 論文架構 --- p.17 / Chapter 第五節 --- 研究意義 --- p.19 / Chapter 第二章 --- 戰前香港的醫療衛生發展 --- p.20 / Chapter 第一節 --- 殖民地政府的醫療衛生事業沿革 --- p.21 / Chapter 第二節 --- 民間的醫療衛生常識 --- p.29 / Chapter 第三節 --- 戰前香港醫療衛生與日本人 --- p.37 / Chapter 第四節 --- 《香港日報》的創辦與發展 --- p.43 / Chapter 第五節 --- 小結 --- p.49 / Chapter 第三章 --- 日治香港政府的醫療衛生概觀 --- p.51 / Chapter 第一節 --- 日治政府醫療管理與醫生註冊 --- p.52 / Chapter 第二節 --- 疾病控制與防疫運動 --- p.67 / Chapter 第三節 --- 環境衛生與糞便處理 --- p.76 / Chapter 第四節 --- 區制、戶籍登記與醫療衛生制度 --- p.87 / Chapter 第五節 --- 小結 --- p.97 / Chapter 第四章 --- 從《香港日報》看日治時期醫療衛生常識的傳播 --- p.99 / Chapter 第一節 --- 副刊專欄與醫藥新知 --- p.100 / Chapter 第二節 --- 公共衛生資訊的提供 --- p.116 / Chapter 第三節 --- 小結 --- p.133 / Chapter 第五章 --- 從《香港日報》看日治時期治療藥物的供應 --- p.135 / Chapter 第一節 --- 《香港日報》中的藥物廣告 --- p.136 / Chapter 第二節 --- 流通市面的藥物 --- p.155 / Chapter 第三節 --- 贈醫所及個人醫師的角色 --- p.165 / Chapter 第四節 --- 小結 --- p.173 / Chapter 第六章 --- 總結日治時期的影響──香港醫療的延續與前進 --- p.175 / Chapter 第一節 --- 醫療體制的過渡 --- p.175 / Chapter 第二節 --- 從日治醫療史看日治歷史性質 --- p.187 / Chapter 附錄(一) --- 日治期間各分區新舊名稱轉換、區長副區長及區會員數目表列 --- p.191 / Chapter 附錄(二) --- 香督令第二十一號(1942年)[節錄] --- p.192 / Chapter 附錄(三) --- 香督令第十六號(1944年) --- p.193 / 參考書目 --- p.194

In this study, we explore the reason why Ming people did not use sea transportation to solve the problem of supplying Beijing from the perspectives of political history and intellectual history. Chapter 2 and chapter 3 reconstruct the decision-making processes in sea transportation. Chapter 4 analyses state and local political factors which influenced the result of decision-making. Chapter 6 discusses the spread and evolution of sea transportation knowledge in the intellectual sphere. (Abstract shortened by UMI.) / Sea transportation in this study refers to a specific form of maritime activity---grain transportation by sea. Sea transportation in the Ming dynasty (1368-1644) was conducted in the years before the Grand Canal became the major route of grain transportation. Although retrospectively it was only a transitional means of grain transportation in the dynasty, it was often proposed to be an alternative to canal transportation when the Grand Canal was malfunctioning. Because of what was involved in the grain supply of the imperial capital, sea transportation never ceased to be an issue in the political history of the Ming. / 樊鏵. / 呈交日期: 2006年9月. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2007. / 參考文獻(p. 339-359). / Cheng jiao ri qi: 2006 nian 9 yue. / Adviser: Hung-lam Chu. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 68-08, Section: A, page: 3545. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2007. / Can kao wen xian (p. 339-359). / Fan Hua.

President Clinton created Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument on September 17, 1996. The Antiquities Act of 1906 gives the president power to establish national monuments on public lands through presidential proclamation. The Act has been used to create national monuments in places such as Muir Woods, Grand Canyon, Mount Olympus, Jackson Hole, and the 1978 Alaskan d-2 lands. Its use has also produced negative public response, manifested as demonstrations, lawsuits, and congressional bills. In spite of significant legal and legislative challenges, the Antiquities Act and most of the monuments established through its use remain. The negative public response to the Act and the monuments has not been able to dissuade presidents from using executive authority. In each of the controversial cases the scope of the Antiquities Act was expanded in regards to the values being protected, monument size, or land use. The public had little influence in reversing that expansion. The Antiquities Act was designed as a tool to provide protection to threatened lands. It has protected federal lands, and in many cases the national interest. The historic and scientific values of once controversial monuments such as the Grand Canyon, Muir Woods Mount Olympus, Jackson Hole, and the d-2 lands, are now indisputable. These monuments have evolved to represent part of our natural national heritage. Only time will tell if the same can be said for Grand Staircase-Escalante National Monument.

Abstract not available

The thesis argues that the relations between culture and government are best viewed through an analysis of the programmatic and institutional contexts for the use of culture as an interface in the relations between citizenship and government. Discussion takes place through an analysis of the history of art programmes which, in seeking to target a 'general' population, have attempted to equip this population with various particular capacities. We aim to provide a history of rationalities of art administration. This will provide us with an approach through which we might understand some of the seemingly irreconcilable policy discourses which characterise contemporary discussion of government arts funding. Research for this thesis aims to make a contribution to historical research on arts institutions in Australia and provide a base from which to think about the role of government in culture in contemporary Australia. In order to reflect on the relations between government and culture the thesis discusses the key rationales for the conjunction of art, citizenship and government in post-World War Two (WWII) Australia to the present day. Thus, the thesis aims to contribute an overview of the discursive origins of the main contemporary rationales framing arts subvention in post-WWII Australia. The relations involved in the government of culture in late eighteenth-century France, nineteenth-century Britain, America in the 1930s and Britain during WWII are examined by way of arguing that the discursive influences on government cultural policy in Australia have been diverse. It is suggested in relation to present day Australian cultural policy that more effective terms of engagement with policy imperatives might be found in a history of the funding of culture which emphasises the plurality of relations between governmental programmes and the self-shaping activities of citizens. During this century there has been a shift in the political rationality which organises government in modern Western liberal democracies. The historical case studies which form section two of the thesis enable us to argue that, since WWII, cultural programmes have been increasingly deployed on the basis of a governmental rationality that can be described as advanced or neo-liberal. This is both in relation to the forms these programmes have taken and in relation to the character of the forms of conduct such programmes have sought to shape in the populations they act upon. Mechanisms characteristic of such neo-liberal forms of government are those associated with the welfare state and include cultural programmes. Analysis of governmental programmes using such conceptual tools allows us to interpret problems of modern social democratic government less in terms of oppositions between structure and agency and more in terms of the strategies and techniques of government which shape the activities of citizens. Thus, the thesis will approach the field of cultural management not as a field of monolithic decision making but as a domain in which there are a multiplicity of power effects, knowledges, and tactics, which react to, or are based upon, the management of the population through culture. The thesis consists of two sections. Section one serves primarily to establish a set of historical and theoretical co-ordinates on which the more detailed historical work of the thesis in section two will be based. We conclude by emphasising the necessity for the continuation of a mix of policy frameworks in the construction of the relations between art, government and citizenship which will encompass a focus on diverse and sometimes competing policy goals.

Water is the most important resource on the planet for sustaining life, and many consider access to water as a fundamental human right. However, in light of its necessity, the distribution and allocation of water has become a highly politicized issue. Economic and political conditions have been shown to be influential in shaping a country’s water policy, more so then recognition of water as a basic human right. The reason for this is that many agree that there needs to be a value assigned to water to encourage its conservation and efficient use, and different methods of addressing that issue have led to varying degrees of privatization of water. Whether through the private or public sector, there is an expectation that water be delivered to the people by the government, and it is often the influence of public and private actors within the government that direct the policy for water distribution. Using three cases in Chile, Mexico, and Uruguay it will be demonstrated how water policy has correlated with the political and economic changes within each country.

England’s long history of education has witnessed many conflicts in regard to language teaching. In this thesis, I investigate the conflicts surrounding two language education reform movements, Language Awareness and Knowledge About Language, during the Conservative administration between 1979 and 1997. The investigation examines official and non-official plans and policy texts produced by various groups and actors, notably Hawkins and Cox, that detail how the teaching of ‘Language’ should be conducted in England’s state school curriculum. The focus of the research is upon identifying what LA and KAL were as pedagogical concepts; why LA was reconstituted as KAL; what the motives underpinning these various plans and policies were; and finally, why efforts to establish LA and KAL were resisted. In the effort to make sense of this history, I draw theoretically and methodologically upon the work of Foucault, Fairclough, Bernstein and Ager. Limitations of my interpretation of this history notwithstanding, my findings revealed that LA was an educational reform movement that emerged from common schooling discourses, and one that sought to improve its educational provision. While LA was originally intended to be a subject in its own right that bridged the English and Foreign Language subject areas, Her Majesty’s Inspectorate reconstituted LA and placed its responsibility firmly within the English subject area. The motives underpinning LA and KAL planning and policy are varied. Those underpinning the policies, however, are distinctly ideological in nature, drawing a strong relationship between language education and democracy. Nearly all motives pertain to what Bernstein calls a competence model of education, the modes of which are notably attuned to addressing inequality and promoting social integration. LA and KAL were reforms that were both ill understood and resented, for varying and complex reasons, by educators and the Conservatives alike. The thesis closes with directions for future research.

No description available.

Why has the United States, given its status as the sole remaining superpower following its Cold War victory, been unable to translate its preponderance of power into the outcomes it desires? The system established by the United States over the course of the Cold War does not effectively translate its power into influence in the post-Cold War world. In fact, the way US-Soviet competition shaped global affairs created systemic problems, weak and failing states, terrorism, autocracy and human rights abuse, that cannot be solved by the mechanisms of influence the US relied upon to win the Cold War. However, precisely these issues now dominate the American foreign policy agenda as its strategic objective shifted from defeating communism to maintaining the stability of the liberal world order that resulted from communism’s defeat. The United States, reliant on Cold War era mechanisms of influence, lacks the tools to accomplish these new objectives because these mechanisms were designed to exploit or accept the problems of statehood that now plague the liberal world order. Therefore, for the United States to make effective use of its abundance of power, it must either change its tools or its objectives.

Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Bremen, 2005/2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 421-460) and index.