As especificidades das monarquias ibéricas e de suas experiências coloniais na América e na África Ocidental definiram uma configuração das relações de dominium e poder em uma perspectiva ibero-atlântica, que teve início na passagem do século XV para o XVI, consolidou-se com a União Ibérica e entrou em crise em meados da década de 1610. A conquista da ilha Espanhola e o povoamento de São Tomé, entre 1493 e 1499, revelaram a relação entre o dominium sobre as populações não cristãs e o poder político no processo de colonização. A partir desse ano, as Coroas ibéricas começaram a interferir nas relações de dominium sobre os indígenas e no tráfico de escravos africanos, a fim de definir sua autoridade sobre as sociedades novas estabelecidas nos espaços ultramarinos. A ruptura com o processo de conquista se definiu entre 1542 e 1549, nas Índias Ocidentais, pelo estabelecimento dos vice-reinados e das Leyes Nuevas, e, no Brasil pela instituição do governo-geral e o esboço de uma política indigenista. Entre as décadas de 1570 e 1590 define-se a perspectiva ibérica do poder monárquico e a complementaridade das formas de dominium sobre os indígenas e africanos no Atlântico. A política de Felipe III foi o marco culminante desse processo que definiu os limites e resistências a essa nova arquitetura de poder. / The specificities of Iberian monarchies and of their colonial experiences in America and in West Africa defined a configuration of the relationships of dominium and power in a Iberian-Atlantic perspective, which started in the end of the fifteenth century to the sixteenth. It was consolidated with the Iberian Union and started to decline in mid-1610. The conquest of the island Espanhola and the settlement of São Tomé, between 1493 and 1499, revealed the relation between the dominium upon the non Christian populations and the political power in the process of colonization. From that year on the Iberian Crowns started to interfere in the dominium relations upon the Indians and on the traffic of African slaves, to define their authority on the new societies established overseas. The rupture with the process of conquest was defined between 1542 and 1549, in West Indies by the establishment of viceroyalties and the Leyes Nuevas, and in Brazil by the institution of the general government and the sketch of an Indian policy. Between the decades of 1570 and 1590 an Iberian perspective of the monarchical power and the complementarity of dominium forms upon the Indians and Africans in the Atlantic were defined. The policy of Felipe III was the culmination of the process that defined the limits and resistances to the new architecture of power.

As especificidades das monarquias ibéricas e de suas experiências coloniais na América e na África Ocidental definiram uma configuração das relações de dominium e poder em uma perspectiva ibero-atlântica, que teve início na passagem do século XV para o XVI, consolidou-se com a União Ibérica e entrou em crise em meados da década de 1610. A conquista da ilha Espanhola e o povoamento de São Tomé, entre 1493 e 1499, revelaram a relação entre o dominium sobre as populações não cristãs e o poder político no processo de colonização. A partir desse ano, as Coroas ibéricas começaram a interferir nas relações de dominium sobre os indígenas e no tráfico de escravos africanos, a fim de definir sua autoridade sobre as sociedades novas estabelecidas nos espaços ultramarinos. A ruptura com o processo de conquista se definiu entre 1542 e 1549, nas Índias Ocidentais, pelo estabelecimento dos vice-reinados e das Leyes Nuevas, e, no Brasil pela instituição do governo-geral e o esboço de uma política indigenista. Entre as décadas de 1570 e 1590 define-se a perspectiva ibérica do poder monárquico e a complementaridade das formas de dominium sobre os indígenas e africanos no Atlântico. A política de Felipe III foi o marco culminante desse processo que definiu os limites e resistências a essa nova arquitetura de poder. / The specificities of Iberian monarchies and of their colonial experiences in America and in West Africa defined a configuration of the relationships of dominium and power in a Iberian-Atlantic perspective, which started in the end of the fifteenth century to the sixteenth. It was consolidated with the Iberian Union and started to decline in mid-1610. The conquest of the island Espanhola and the settlement of São Tomé, between 1493 and 1499, revealed the relation between the dominium upon the non Christian populations and the political power in the process of colonization. From that year on the Iberian Crowns started to interfere in the dominium relations upon the Indians and on the traffic of African slaves, to define their authority on the new societies established overseas. The rupture with the process of conquest was defined between 1542 and 1549, in West Indies by the establishment of viceroyalties and the Leyes Nuevas, and in Brazil by the institution of the general government and the sketch of an Indian policy. Between the decades of 1570 and 1590 an Iberian perspective of the monarchical power and the complementarity of dominium forms upon the Indians and Africans in the Atlantic were defined. The policy of Felipe III was the culmination of the process that defined the limits and resistances to the new architecture of power.

Submitted by Ricardo Cedraz Duque Moliterno (ricardo.moliterno@uefs.br) on 2015-09-15T00:26:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??oFlaviaAmorim.pdf: 3062148 bytes, checksum: ad70eb92444f286ab2d535c13f9c4541 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-09-15T00:26:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Disserta??oFlaviaAmorim.pdf: 3062148 bytes, checksum: ad70eb92444f286ab2d535c13f9c4541 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-20 / Funda??o de Amparo ? Pesquisa do Estado da Bahia - FAPEB / This work has as its goal the study of Francisco Pinto's political journey as a member of the so-called group Aut?nticos do Movimento Democr?tico Brasileiro (MDB) in Brazilian National Congress, in his taking of a contrary posture to the civilian/military dictatorship, in his actuation in Brazilian political field in the period between 1971 and 1982. This time corresponds to the period in which Francisco Pinto was a federal congressist: his first term in 1971-74, impeachet in 1974, and second, 1979-82. We investigated how the congressman and his Aut?nticos group built an opposite force to the dictatorship. For that, we used sociologist Pierre Bourdieu's method, of political camp, so we can understand the strategies and possibilities of making institutional politics. The sources consulted were: congressman Francisco Pinto speeches in Brazilian National Congress and Movimento newspaper. / Este trabalho tem por objetivo o estudo da trajet?ria pol?tica de Francisco Pinto enquanto membro do chamado grupo Aut?ntico do Movimento Democr?tico Brasileiro (MDB) no Congresso Nacional, na tomada de posi??o contr?ria ? ditadura civil/militar, na atua??o no campo pol?tico brasileiro no per?odo entre 1971 e 1982. Essa temporalidade corresponde ao per?odo em que Francisco Pinto foi deputado federal: o primeiro mandato em 1971-74, cassado em 1974, e o segundo, 1979-82. Investigamos como o deputado e o grupo dos Aut?nticos constru?ram e aplicaram sua estrat?gia de oposi??o ao regime ditatorial. Para tanto, trabalhamos com a metodologia do soci?logo Pierre Bourdieu, especialmente com o conceito de campo pol?tico, com o qual problematizamos as estrat?gias e possibilidades de se fazer pol?tica institucional. As fontes consultadas foram: os discursos pronunciados pelo deputado Francisco Pinto no Congresso Nacional e o jornal Movimento.

Dire qu’il n’est pas possible de séparer la religion de la politique avant le XVIIIe siècle, c’est énoncer un lieu commun. Mais comment étudier l’influence des représentations religieuses sur la politique ? Si depuis Marc Bloch et Ernst Kantorowicz de nombreuses études ont été publiées sur la légitimation religieuse du pouvoir temporel, les autres dimensions de la politique, c’est à dire le développement et la réalisation de politiques, ont souvent été négligées. Ainsi, l’historiographie sur la Guerre de Trente Ans et la politique étrangère française sous Louis XIII distingue d’un côté des acteurs motivés religieusement et de l’autre des acteurs motivés politiquement et, de ce fait, ne peut appréhender de manière satisfaisante les débats politiques du XVIIe siècle.En examinant l’impact de la Réforme catholique sur le calcul politique, cette thèse de doctorat propose une démarche qui rassemble la religion et la politique dans toutes ses dimensions. Ce faisant, elle tente de développer de nouveaux récits de l’histoire politique. Les questions du parti dévot, de la Fronde, du caractère de la Guerre de Trente Ans et de l’échec de la monarchie polonaise sont reconsidérées. En outre, elle cherche à donner une vue d’ensemble de la Réforme catholique et de ses conséquences politiques. Une grande attention est accordée à l’émergence de nouveaux cultes politico-religieux favorisant la construction étatique, et en particulier au patronage marial étatique. / Common wisdom says that it is not possible to dissociate religion from politics before the 18th century. But how is it possible to study the influence of religious patterns on political action? Since Marc Bloch and Ernst Kantorowicz, a great deal of scholarly work has been written on religious legitimization of political power, yet the other dimensions of politics - the development of policies and the struggles around it - have been somewhat neglected. Historiography about the Thirty Years’ War or French foreign policy under Louis XIII still postulates a dichotomy between religiously and politically motivated actors and, because of this, fails to analyse properly the political debates of the 17th century. Examining the influence of Catholic reform on political calculation in the first half of 17th century, the doctoral thesis proposes a way bridging religion and politics in all its dimensions, and in so doing develops new narratives of political history. The questions of the resistance to war in France, of the Fronde, of the character of the Thirty Years’ War, and of the failure of the Polish monarchy are re-considered. Furthermore, this work provides a general view of Catholic reform and of its impact on political life. It pays particular attention to the new religious-political cults propelling state construction, and especially to the State Marian patronage.