近年來社群媒體興起，尤其以臉書為主。在台灣超過1500萬個臉書用戶，其遍及族群從公眾人物到一般民眾。此外，這類的新興資訊交流平台其實內含許多有意義的資訊，每一則貼文都隱含著每個使用者的情緒以及立場傾向。然而，利用社群媒體來預測選舉與使用者政治傾向已成為目前的趨勢，在台灣各政黨與政治人物紛紛成立粉絲專頁，投入利用網路與社群媒體來打選戰與預測民調。本研究發現此一特性，致力於預測粉絲專頁貼文之政治傾向，收集台灣兩大政黨派國民黨與民進黨之粉絲專頁貼文，建立兩種預測模型分別為以相異字為特徵模型與文字互動特徵模型。利用資料探勘之相關技術，以貼文所含藍綠政黨特徵表現建立分類器，並細部探討與設計多種特徵組合，比較不同特徵組合之預測效果與影響因素以及在預測資料不平衡的情況下是否影響分類結果。最後，研究結果顯示使用文字特徵中黨派典型字與互動特徵值域取對數並搭配KNN分類器效果最佳，其準確度可達0.908，F1-score可達0.827。 / Recently, the social media is becoming more and more popular, especially Facebook. In Taiwan, there are 15 million Facebook users from celebrities to the general public. Receiving information every day from Facebook has become a lifestyle of most people. These new information-exchanging platforms contain lots of meaningful messages including users' emotions and affiliations. Moreover, using the social media data to predict the election result and political affiliation is becoming the current trend in Taiwan. For example, politicians try to win the election and predict the polls by means of Internet and the social media, and every political parties also have their own fan pages. In this thesis, we make an effort to predict the political inclinations of the posts of fan pages, especially for KMT and DPP which are the two largest political parties in Taiwan. We filter the appropriate literal and interactive features. We use the posts of the two parties to predict the political inclinations by constructing the classification models .In the end, we compare the performances of different classifiers .The result shows that the literal and interactive features work the best with KNN classifier, whose accuracy and F1-score are 0.908 and 0.827, respectively.

The aim of the diploma thesis is funding of the municipalities by the South Moravian Region. The theoretical part defines the technical terms such as fiscal federalism, public administration and funding. The practical part explores whether the funding is provided in compliance with the general terms and conditions. This work is aiming to define the parameters which form the basis of comparison of the information about municipal funding available on the South Moravian Region website with the actual terms and conditions under which the funding is provided. Through the analysis explained herein it has been proven that in majority of cases the region does not abide by the terms of the funding as available online. The lack of required information in the terms on the region's website gives the impression that the funding process is rather opaque. Additionally, we further examine whether political affiliation of mayors in municipalities of the region is a factor determining the size of the actual funding provided by the region. The result of this analysis is negative which concludes that political affiliation of mayors in the region does not have an impact on the size of the funding provided by the region to its municipalities.

No description available.

本研究以2010年富士康連續墜樓事件作為觀察對象，採用新聞框架理論，檢視國內報紙對於勞工議題的報導。另鑑於本事件為台商在中國投資的事件，牽動敏感的兩岸話題，因此本研究加入各報政治偏差之因素，探討國內報紙對該事件報導的異同。 研究發現，事件發生初期，國內報紙多以「責任框架」報導，追究雇主應負的責任與提出的解決辦法；到了中後期，各報則以「經濟影響框架」為主，探討加薪將對雇主、國家，乃至全球經濟造成的影響。各報報導立場雖多為中立，但仍可見媒體對雇主的立場出現由負轉正的趨勢。此外，無論是「責任框架」或是「經濟影響框架」，在本事件勞工議題的討論中，雇主佔去了大部分的發言權，反觀以勞工為主體性的文章，則是少之又少。 政治立場偏藍的報紙，如«聯合報»和«中國時報»，皆以廣大篇幅報導之；反之，政治立場偏綠的報紙，如«自由時報»，則企圖淡化該新聞；而市場導向的«蘋果日報»位於兩者中間。所有報紙的報導皆以雇主發言為大宗，勞工仍處於弱勢，至於新聞框架的使用，則無明顯政黨偏差。 / This thesis examines the frames used in the news coverage of the Foxconn suicide jumps in general and labor issue in particular, along with political affiliation as a factor in Taiwan’s dailies. Framing analysis of 222 articles in the four major newspapers in Taiwan showed that “attribution of responsibility” and “economic consequence” were identified to be the two most used frames in coverage. These frames shifted to one another on June 1, the day when the company announced the wage increase policy. After the time divide, stories published before that mainly talked about attribution of responsibility and soon shifted to economic consequence afterwards. As for tone, coverage of workers generally stayed neutral with a subtle change from positive to negative, while stories of employers showed a shift from negative in the beginning to positive in the later stage. In terms of political affiliation, findings showed that difference could be obviously observed in the quantity of coverage, where the pro-Green Liberty Times contributed much less than the pro-Blue United Daily and China Times. While showing no obvious difference in the use of frame and by tone in the four newspapers when describing workers and employers, the pro-independence Liberty Times demonstrated apparent negative attitude toward the Chinese government and other China-related affairs in its editorials.

Following unprecedented earthquakes in 1999, highly centralized Turkey initiated reforms that aimed to improve disaster management collaboration and to empower local authorities. In 2011, two earthquakes hit the country anew affecting the city of Van and town of Erciş in Turkey’s southeast. In attempts to reduce disaster risk, global disaster risk reduction frameworks and disaster scholars and practitioners advocate collaborative and decentralized disaster management strategies. This thesis investigates how such strategies are received in a centralized and hierarchical national political-administrative system that largely is the anti-thesis of the prescribed solutions. More specifically, this research investigates the barriers and prerequisites for disaster management collaboration between both public and civil society actors in Turkey (during preparedness, response, and recovery) as well as how Turkey’s political-administrative system affects disaster management collaboration and its outcomes. The challenges to decentralization of disaster management are also investigated. Based on forty-four interviews with actors ranging from national to village level and NGOs, the findings suggest that the political-administrative system can alter the relative importance, validity, and applicability of previously established enabling or constraining conditions for collaboration. This may in turn challenge previous theoretical assumptions regarding collaboration. By adopting a mode of collaboration that fit the wider political-administrative system, collaborative disaster management progress was achieved in Turkey’s national level activities. Although there were exceptions, collaboration spanning sectors and/or administrative levels were generally less forthcoming, partly due to the disjoint character of the political-administrative system. Political divergence between local and central actors made central-local collaboration difficult but these barriers were partly trumped by other prerequisites enabling collaboration like interdependence and pre-existing relations. The findings suggest that the specific attributes of disasters may both help and hinder disaster management collaboration. Such collaboration generally improved disaster response. The findings also indicate that the decentralization attempts may have been premature as the conditions for ensuring a functional decentralization of disaster management are presently lacking. Decentralization attempts are commonly suggested to increase local capacity and local participation but the findings of this dissertation suggest that in Turkey, these commodities may currently have better chances of being increased by refraining from decentralization.