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Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / Wollo, formerly referred to as ―Bete Amhara,‖ refers to a region of Amharic-speaking Christians. It was one of the oldest provinces of Ethiopia; located in the north-eastern part of Ethiopia at the cross- roads of the Red Sea, Gulf of Aden, Sudan, and central and Southern Ethiopia. Its geostrategic central position has made it a historical focal point of historical dynamics in Ethiopia. Due to its geostrategic position, many writers of the medieval period referred to Wollo as the ―center and the heartland of the Abyssinian Empire. On account of these, major historical battles among political, social, and religious forces occurred in this region leaving their own mark on it and the nature of the Ethiopian state. Before the sixteenth century, Wollo had been a center of history, political administration, religion, and religious education. As a result, numerous historical events have taken place in this province. Due to such factors, it was part of the historically dominant regions in Ethiopia. However, after the sixteenth century we see a decline in the position of Wollo. A province which was part of the center, afterwards the sixteenth century, had been downgraded to the periphery following its domination by Islam and Oromo, which were two subjects of marginalization in Ethiopian historiography. Thereafter, the province was relegated from the country‘s political ground and historical narration due to ethnic, religious, and political backgrounds. In the earliest recordings of the historically dominant groups of Ethiopia, Wollo was not properly represented as it was regarded as a Muslim and Oromo province. In much of the recently recorded literature on the subaltern groups in the post-1991 period, the internal events of Wollo have been ignored. Therefore, both in the past and recently, the socio-political history of Wollo province has never been given due regard. Despite the fact that Wollo bears elements of both the historically dominant and historical subaltern of Ethiopia, it has not been provided proper representation by the narrative of the historically dominant groups, as it is not given proper place in the emergent history of the subaltern in Post-1991 Ethiopia. This paradox of Wollo belonging to both but not given due attention and representation is the corridor leading to explore the dark sides of Ethiopian historiography. Thus, this study attempts to examine why, how and in what way Wollo has been neglected from the country‘s political ground and historical narration. It will also try to reconstruct the social and political history of the province in the period under study.

Walter White worked for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People for thirty-seven years, 25 of which he served as executive secretary of the Association. Through his work in this office and through his writings he played an important part in preparing teh way for the civil rights revolution of the 1960's. This thesis in not a biography but an attempt to deal with certain aspects of White's career as they related to his fight for racial justice and equality.

In 1979, New Orleans’ Mardi Gras celebration was disrupted by a police strike. The strike exposed the new political positioning that had resulted from national pressures such as the realization of black political power and the brief surge in public worker unions. New Orleans’ weakening white social elite was forced to assert its remaining power through Mardi Gras, while finding an unexpected ally in Mayor Ernest N. Morial, the first black mayor of New Orleans. This temporary alliance exemplifies an experience that was different than that of other American cities. While strong racial tension persisted, the old establishment’s interests coincided with Mayor Morial’s when Mardi Gras, a powerful cultural and economic institution, was threatened. This temporary alliance managed to defeat the local police union by galvanizing the citizens of the city against the strikers.

Abstract This thesis will examine Vladimir Putin's controversial political decisions regarding the Second Chechen War justifying the conflict both inside and outside of Russia. It opens with Putin identifying with the United States after the terrorist activities of September 11, 2001 and how he used the American War on Terror to explain his own decisions regarding the Caucasus. For further understanding the paper looks at the history of Russian-Chechen relations to show how the centuries of hostility and mistrust culminated in two Chechen Wars within a ten year time period (1994-2004). It will also study the Russian view, held by Putin, which Chechnya was not declaring independence but was attempting to secede from the Russian Federation. It concludes with a look at Putin's solution to the conflict, the Chechnization of the Second Chechen War, where the Russian military withdrew from the region to be replaced by Putin's handpicked regime, the Kadyrovs.

Over the years, the Second Intifada has been consigned to paragraphs within history books and the significance has been forgotten by many. While this may be due to the scarcity of sources that are out there, the history of the Second Intifada cannot be ignored. Like previous conflicts in the past between Palestinians and Israelis, the Second Intifada had a monstrous toll on the way of life for both Palestinians and Israelis. The following thesis will examine the Second Intifada and how it affected the economy, the politics, and the social life of Palestinians living in Ramallah, the de facto capital for Palestinians living in the occupied West Bank.

Over recent years, censorship of the press in Turkey has been under international scrutiny, having been examined on the basis of recent political developments such as the Justice and Development Party’s democratisation promises with the incentive of the EU accession process and the role of the press in Turkey’s democratisation. This research aims to widen the terms of reference by providing a unifying framework for the problems posed by political, historical, and legal agents to press freedom, and analysing their interrelation throughout the history of modern Turkey. It seeks to identify the hindrances encountered by the press, which has its roots in the deep-seated State ideology and institutional framework that prioritises state security over individual rights and freedoms. This thesis therefore sets forth the inextricable link between the political history of Turkey and the current application of the law, and presents an in-depth analysis of Turkish political history in relation to press freedom, legal scholarship, and case-law as evidence to demonstrate this. The analysis of the obstacles to establishing stronger legal protection for the press that would not be affected by political change, is based on doctrinal and socio-legal analysis that investigates the flaws in the Turkish Constitution, Turkish Penal Code and Turkish Anti-Terror Law and questions the judicial approach to the implementation of the right to free expression of the press. The thesis specifies the loopholes in Turkish legislation that allow insufficient legal protection for freedom of the press and the inefficiency of the judiciary to realise the press’s right to free expression. The thesis recommends practical amendments to clarify broadly drawn legal provisions. A reduction in judicial bureaucracy to eliminate political influences on the judiciary. Judicial training for the internalisation of the right to free expression of the press as a human right . All of which would help overcome institutional hindrances based on the perception of a critical press as a threat to state security and national interest.

Esta pesquisa objetiva analisar as representações dos imaginários políticos argentinos durante os anos de 1973 e 1984, por meio dos cartazes de propaganda produzidos no período. Estes anos selecionam um período conturbado da história argentina, o governo peronista (1973) e o governo militar do Processo de Reorganização Nacional (1976-1983), em que as posições políticas se acirram em nome de projetos para a nação e, após a violenta e sistemática repressão da ditadura provocou mudanças sensíveis na forma de atuação política. A escolha do cartaz como fonte para a análise desta pesquisa histórica de dá por este se configurar como um veículo de difusão e circulação de mensagens de caráter efêmero, mas que possui potencial para atingir um grande número de pessoas. Essa fonte compõe um elemento rico em representações dos imaginários políticos, sobre as visões e concepções de futuro e das críticas e anseios que seus grupos elaboradores desejavam divulgar para um grande público. As fontes visuais possibilitam um sem número de inferências, mobilizam elementos simbólicos, culturais, políticos, históricos, nacionais e universais, sempre partilhando com seu observador as referências representacionais para, enfim, cumprir seu papel de comunicar uma mensagem idealizada por seus realizadores. Nesta pesquisa, a análise dos cartazes procura revisitar um período conturbado da história argentina e, por meios destes, reconstruir parte do imaginário político do período. / This research aims to analyze the representations of imaginary Argentine politicians during the years 1973 and 1984, by means of propaganda posters produced in the period. These years select a turbulent period in Argentine history, the Peronist government (1973) and the military government of the National Reorganization Process (1976-1983), in which the political positions is stoked on behalf of projects for the nation and, after violent and systematic repression of the dictatorship generated sensible changes in the form of political action. The choice of the poster as a source for analysis of historical research gives for this is set up as a vehicle for the dissemination and circulation of messages ephemeral, but which has the potential to reach large numbers of people. This source comprises an element rich representations of the political imaginary, the visions and conceptions of the future and criticisms and concerns that their groups drafters wished to disseminate to a wide audience. Visual sources allow any number of inferences, mobilize symbolic elements, cultural, political, historical, national and universal, always sharing with its observer representational references to finally fulfill its role of communicating a message designed by their makers. In this research, the analysis of the posters attempts to revisit a period of Argentine history and troubled by these means, to rebuild part of the political imaginary of the period.

This thesis provides a historical reconstruction of the long-term trajectory of Brazilian state-formation (ca. 1450 - 1889), developed as a contribution to the sub-field of IR Historical Sociology. Theoretically, it is informed by the tradition of Geopolitical Marxism, which emphasises the social conflicts – on both sides of the Atlantic – that inform the geopolitical strategies and disputes between coloniser and colonised, without being determined by them. This account challenges existing theories of IR and Historical Sociology, in which trajectories of state formation are explained through the use of generalising theoretical assumptions foreclosing case-specific particularities, especially in non-European cases. I propose instead a radical historicist approach to social science, reframing social theory as a methodological guideline for historical analysis. Empirically, this amounts to a reinterpretation of Portuguese maritime expansionism, deriving the geopolicies of South American occupation not from generalising notions of colonialism or the expansion of capitalism, but from the situated practices of elite and inter-elite reproduction. The thesis moves on to show how the events that followed Napoleon's invasion of Portugal in 1807 eventually led to Brazilian independence through an analysis of the competing interests of Portuguese and Brazilian elites, exacerbated by and geopolitically managed through the interference of British strategies of informal imperialism in Latin America. After formal independence, Brazilian policy making is driven not by the aspiration towards a civilizational standard or capitalist modernisation, but by the conflicts between segments of the ruling class, especially regarding the long-delayed transition from slavery towards other forms of labour control. The argument is that the historicist method does not only provide the key to the “peculiarity” of the Brazilian case by questioning the biases towards state-centrism in mainstream IR and towards structuralism in Marxism, but that it also overcomes the challenge of Eurocentrism by incorporating the agency of non-European subjects in the making of their own history.

Esta pesquisa objetiva analisar as representações dos imaginários políticos argentinos durante os anos de 1973 e 1984, por meio dos cartazes de propaganda produzidos no período. Estes anos selecionam um período conturbado da história argentina, o governo peronista (1973) e o governo militar do Processo de Reorganização Nacional (1976-1983), em que as posições políticas se acirram em nome de projetos para a nação e, após a violenta e sistemática repressão da ditadura provocou mudanças sensíveis na forma de atuação política. A escolha do cartaz como fonte para a análise desta pesquisa histórica de dá por este se configurar como um veículo de difusão e circulação de mensagens de caráter efêmero, mas que possui potencial para atingir um grande número de pessoas. Essa fonte compõe um elemento rico em representações dos imaginários políticos, sobre as visões e concepções de futuro e das críticas e anseios que seus grupos elaboradores desejavam divulgar para um grande público. As fontes visuais possibilitam um sem número de inferências, mobilizam elementos simbólicos, culturais, políticos, históricos, nacionais e universais, sempre partilhando com seu observador as referências representacionais para, enfim, cumprir seu papel de comunicar uma mensagem idealizada por seus realizadores. Nesta pesquisa, a análise dos cartazes procura revisitar um período conturbado da história argentina e, por meios destes, reconstruir parte do imaginário político do período. / This research aims to analyze the representations of imaginary Argentine politicians during the years 1973 and 1984, by means of propaganda posters produced in the period. These years select a turbulent period in Argentine history, the Peronist government (1973) and the military government of the National Reorganization Process (1976-1983), in which the political positions is stoked on behalf of projects for the nation and, after violent and systematic repression of the dictatorship generated sensible changes in the form of political action. The choice of the poster as a source for analysis of historical research gives for this is set up as a vehicle for the dissemination and circulation of messages ephemeral, but which has the potential to reach large numbers of people. This source comprises an element rich representations of the political imaginary, the visions and conceptions of the future and criticisms and concerns that their groups drafters wished to disseminate to a wide audience. Visual sources allow any number of inferences, mobilize symbolic elements, cultural, political, historical, national and universal, always sharing with its observer representational references to finally fulfill its role of communicating a message designed by their makers. In this research, the analysis of the posters attempts to revisit a period of Argentine history and troubled by these means, to rebuild part of the political imaginary of the period.