Barbara Garson’s controversial play, MacBird!, was written and produced during the Vietnam War era and Johnson administration. The satirical Shakespeare adaptation equates LBJ with Macbeth, the villainous tragic hero who murders his king in order to gain the Scottish crown. The implication that Johnson was responsible for the assassination of JFK created a fury of controversy among critics and the public, as well as the political leaders who were parodied. The play was first published and circulated in 1966 as an underground leaflet. In 1967, it was produced off-Broadway with a cast that featured actors Rue McClanahan, William Devane, Cleavon Little, and Stacy Keach, who won an Obie Award for his performance of the title role. The show launched the careers of these actors. Critics were divided in their reviews of the play’s literary merit, but all seemed to agree that the piece was shocking and significant because it flew in the face of patriotism and of reverence for presidential authority. At the time of its production, acclaimed theater critic Robert Brustein named MacBird! “the most explosive play” of the Sixties theater movement. This dissertation presents the history of the play, within its social and political setting, from its inception through its production and abrupt disappearance at the peak of its success, which coincided with the assassination of Robert Kennedy. Relying upon methodology that includes primary and secondary sources, as well as interviews with the playwright and others involved in the play, this work presents the publication and production history of MacBird!, public and White House response to the play, a contextual analysis under a feminist lens, and a final chapter on MacBird! as a precursor to feminist adaptations of canonical works, Sixties-era Macbeth adaptations, and the notable women whose work intersected in MacBird! MacBird! was a tremendous event in theater history; it belongs at the fore of adaptation studies, particularly Shakespeare and feminist adaptation studies; it is a prime model of performance as a political tool and therefore earns a central place in performance studies; and because it is an attack on patriarchal power and a rare example of a Sixties radical play written by a woman, Barbara Garson needs to be recognized among remarkable women of theater. / text

新加坡是個經濟繁榮、法治嚴明、資訊科技發達的城市國家，主流平面及電子媒體由報業控股公司（SPH）及新傳媒（Media Corp.）兩大集團壟斷，奉行「政府說了算」的新聞學意理，網路使用普及後，公民媒體乘勢興起。 Mr. Brown Show是由新加坡人民製作的政治諷刺播客（podcast），主要作者為資深部落客李健敏（Mr. Brown），持續發聲已逾三年，廣受歡迎。播客內容多為重現新聞時事的幽默短劇，以人民的觀點針砭時政，實踐公民新聞學（citizen journalism）。 筆者以播客發聲至今顯著性高的新聞議題為指標，選出四大議題共二十三則播客，將之謄寫、節譯為文字稿，以主流媒體（如《海峽時報》）報導為事件背景，對照播客內容，呈現Mr. Brown Show觀點，並歸納製作群的慣用表述策略，如文字遊戲、雙關語、偽裝角色等，申論政治諷刺拓展公民新聞學實踐的範疇。 Mr. Brown Show以播客為載具，網路為傳播平台，正好規避當局對傳統媒介的管制，更甚者，當局未干涉播客的諷刺評論，Mr. Brown Show為另類媒介提供生存線索，並拓寬當前播客的使用目的。 傳播科技帶來新媒體發展的可能性，本文取Mr. Brown Show為個案，以小窺大，除了看它如何利用播客實踐公民新聞學，也探討新媒體對統治當局的挑戰。 / This study examines the production of podcast by a Singaporean blogger Lee Kin Mun, a.k.a. Mr. Brown. He and his team have been utilizing the outcome of a technological convergence — podcast, in a most creative way to express their political views. By its own unique style of satire, Mr. Brown Show has survived in this city state’s closely regulated Internet sphere. In addition, it emerged as a good example of citizen journalism, providing survival tips for local alternative media. It remains to be seen, however, in what way Mr. Brown Show or its likes can make a difference on Singapore’s online democracy.

Seigneur Dildoe, as this dissertation will contend, was a fixture in Restoration literature and culture (1660-1700). But what was his provenance, by what means did he travel, and why did he come? This dissertation provides a literary history of the fascinating and highly irreverent dildo satire tradition, tracing the dildo satire’s long and winding progress from antiquity to Restoration England, where the tradition reached its early modern zenith. Adding breadth, context, and texture to existing treatments of the trope’s political and sexual potency, this dissertation investigates the dildo satire’s roots in both Greek comedy (Aristophanes, Herodas) and Latin invective (Martial, Juvenal), its influential association in early modern Italy with Catholicism and monastic life (Aretino), and its introduction in early modern England (Nashe), where it cropped up in the works of a surprising number of literary giants (Shakespeare, Jonson, Donne, Marvell). In Restoration England, we find in the satiric dildos of Butler, Rochester, and the contextually rich “Seigneur Dildoe” articulations of a dildo gone viral: the mock-heroic Seigneur deployed as a politically central motif symptomatic of its society’s acute patriarchal fissures. Throughout I argue that the dildo satire’s longevity is due not to a uniformity of purpose or signification (misogynist, anti-Catholic, emasculating, or otherwise), but to its innate versatility and ambiguity as a fugitive sexual and political figure. I also argue that what does in fact unite the satiric dildo’s variety of contingent ends, against what has been assumed in the scholarship, is its status as a markedly anti-Phallic figure. / Graduate / 2018-01-09 / 0401 / 0733 / missmenno.sf@gmail.com

Le début du XIXe siècle est une période marquée par de nombreux bouleversements politiques, dont les rébellions des Patriotes et l'Acte d'Union qui s'ensuit, impliquant une forte présence de la censure dans la presse canadienne de l’époque. Afin de contourner ce couperet de la censure, plusieurs journaux politiques effectuent un glissement du factuel au fictionnel. L'exemple le plus remarquable de ce choix de la littérarité est le journal Le Fantasque, édité par Napoléon Aubin et publié de 1837 à 1845 dans la ville de Québec. L'actualité y est rapportée à travers le prisme de la fiction, qui se déploie principalement par le biais des personnages. Le flâneur fantasque constitue la figure centrale et créatrice du journal. Par le récit de ses promenades et rencontres et par l'insertion de lettres presque toujours fictives de protagonistes de l'actualité, le flâneur donne accès à une multitude de voix disparates qui se font les porte-paroles de l'actualité. Ce passage systématique par les personnages fait du journal une œuvre et de l'actualité un récit. Nous étudions le système de personnages qui anime Le Fantasque de 1837 à 1842 et l’effet de son utilisation sur le récit de l’actualité et la lecture. Notre analyse s'inscrit dans le champ prolifique des études sur la presse et s’appuie principalement sur l’analyse de textes. Elle vise à ajouter aux connaissances sur les débuts de la littérature canadienne, à montrer sa vitalité et son ouverture au monde. Nous désirons aussi apporter des outils pour l'analyse de la forme journalistique et la reconnaissance des qualités littéraires de plusieurs textes publiés dans Le Fantasque. / Many political upheavals occurred in the early nineteenth century, including the rebellions of the Patriots and the Act of Union that followed, involving a strong presence of censorship in the Canadian press of this time period. In order to avoid the censorship, several political journals shifted from the factual to the fictional. The most notable example of this choice of literariness is the newspaper Le Fantasque, edited by Napoleon Aubin and published from 1837 to 1845 in Quebec City. In this journal, the news is reported through different characters and stories. The flâneur is the central character of Le Fantasque. By the story of his walks and meetings and by inserting fictional letters, the flâneur provides access to a multitude of disparate voices, which are acting like spokespersons of the news. The use of characters makes the newspaper a literary text, and the news a story. In this thesis, we study the system of the characters which is developed in Le Fantasque from 1837 to 1842 and the effect of its use on the news and on the act of reading. Our analysis was primarily based on the analysis of texts. It aims to add to the understanding of the early Canadian literature, to show its vitality and openness to the world. We also want to provide tools for the analysis of journalistic form and recognition of literary qualities of several texts published in Le Fantasque.

I analyze comedian Stephen Colbert's performances as the bloviating "fake" pundit, "Stephen Colbert." Colbert's work reflects the progression of personality-driven media and performance-driven society. His frequent shifts and blending of characters – from actor and entertainer to pundit and politician – call attention to the similarly character-driven nature of "real" figures in politics and media. Using Kenneth Burke's theory of tragic and comic frames of acceptance, I analyze three sets of Colbert's performances – hosting The Colbert Report, speaking at the White House Correspondents' Association dinner, and running for president – as well as the conventional situations and discourses he complicates. I argue that Colbert's comic critique provides perspective by incongruity about the processes of production, mediation, and persuasion in the business of news punditry – and the literal staging of politics performed as entertainment.

This dissertation investigates the balance of power theory of international relations in the works of Jonathan Swift and his mentor Sir William Temple. Both Temple and Swift are known to have championed balance-of-power foreign policy, yet no sustained study of the subject exists. To begin, I argue that Temple used balance as a metaphor for division or separation. His policy of preserving the “Balance of Christendom” translates to sowing division among European states, and for the same reason he rejects balance of power at home. Proceeding to Swift, while commentators have long known that he advocated the classical theory of constitutional balance, they have neglected his engagement with international balance. Swift assimilates Temple’s positions into a universal theory based on classical authors; he sees balance of power as an element in the broader quarrel of ancients and moderns. The ancient view posits an independent agent who operates within the constraints of a system; the modern, by contrast, either exaggerates agency to the point of divine-right absolutism or minimizes it to the extent that only an impersonal, clockwork-like system remains. In both cases, the moderns pursue material power at each other’s expense, neglecting the intangible benefits of due separation. This theory has important ramifications for Swift’s international writings. For years scholars have emphasized Swift’s conspiracy theorizing in the Conduct of the Allies, but I argue that he discredits the Whig war cry of “Balance of Europe,” which sought military power (the balance of forces) as an end in itself, and reasserts balance as a policy of slicing Europe into as many separate kingdoms as possible. Ultimately, however, Swift’s most lasting contribution appears in Gulliver’s Travels. Here he depicts maritime power as the quintessential means by which moderns pursue absolute power, and intimates a political “Balance of Earth” as a satirical correction. This study, the first to focus on the international dimension of Swift’s political theory, offers a corrective to literary studies that favor domestic politics and yields insights into the evolution of balance-of-power theory and the intersection of culture and foreign policy at the dawn of the British empire. / text

During the 1970s the plays of Pieter-Dirk Uys became causes celebres. In the 1980s he was, commercially and artistically, arguably the most successful South African satirist. By 1990 he had gained recognition in the United Kingdom, the United States of America, Canada, Australia, the Netherlands and Germany. Yet relatively little research has been undertaken or published which evaluates his contribution to South African theatre as a playwright and performer of political satire. This dissertation aims to document and assess the satiric work of Uys and that of his precursors and contemporaries. The first chapter identifies certain characteristic features and purposes of satire as a creative method which cannot be defined in purely literary terms. The views of local practitioners and references to its manifestation in various non-literary and indigenous forms are included to support the descriptive approach to satire in performance adopted in later chapters. Of necessity to a study of Uys's lampoons, Chapter 2 discusses the origins of lampoon and the theatrical presentation of actual persons by Aristophanes (the first extant Western playwright to do so). Both the textual and visual ridicule of Socrates, Euripides, Cleon and Lamachus are considered, to argue that Aristophanes employed the nominal character as a factional type to exemplify a concept for humorous rather than meliorative purposes. Part One of Chapter 3 is a necessarily selective survey of the diversity, style and censorship of satire in South Africa in various theatrical, literary and journalistic forms. Part Two describes the use of satire by Adam Leslie, Jeremy Taylor, Robert Kirby and, more recently, Paul Slabolepszy, Mark Banks, Ian Fraser, Eric Miyeni and the 'alternative' Afrikaners in plays and in revue, cabaret and stand-up comedy. Chapter 4 examines the principal themes of Uys's plays to date, the 1981-1992 revues as entertainment and as a reflection of certain social and political issues, the similarities between his theatrical praxis and that of Aristophanes, and his satiric strategies in performance: his preparatory and visual signifiers, his concern with proxemics, and his mastery of kinesics, paralanguage and chronemics in depicting a spectrum of fictional and non-fictional personae, including Evita Bezuidenhout, P.W. Botha and the Uys-persona. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1993.

This Thesis are dealing with analysis of political satire change during election periods in 2006 and 2010 in printed media (Právo, Lidové noviny and MF DNES). 1796 items were evaluated. In these media three artist in both years were publishing: in MF DNES it is Miroslav Kemel, in Lidové noviny Vladimír Jiránek and in Právo Vladimír Renčín. For political satire research content analysis was used, combining quantitative and qualitative methods. Defined variables are used for grouping images. The research should accept/reject five hypothesis directed to topic frequencies (domestic, foreign, non-political), politicans shown as the target of satire and political tending of particular paper. The most popular target for political satire was Jiří Paroubek former leader of ČSSD due to his nature and physiognomy. This was true for MF Dnes and Lidové noviny. In Právo no concrete politican was drawn by V. Renčín in both years. In the first place topic Election was in 2006 in all papers, in 2010 only for MF Dnes it was Nr 1. In other paper most important topics were morality and demenaurs of politicans. This Thesis confirmed that left-winged paper Právo is not tending to the righ-wing ridiculing. On the contrary, the other newspapers, Lidové noviny and MF Dnes, both being right-wing newspapers, published the...

Cette thèse analyse la manière dont le discours satirico-humoristique se constitue lorsqu’il cible la figure présidentielle, en se focalisant sur des dimensions de contenu et de forme qui le structurent, et en faisant attention à leur articulation. A partir d’une étude biculturelle (France-Argentine), qui vise à la conceptualisation d’un humour transculturel, nous supposons qu’au-delà des spécificités locales, il est possible de parvenir à une grammaire, et donc à un système d’invariants, constituée des codes verbaux et visuels.Suivant une approche basée sur les sciences de l’information et de la communication, nous intégrons des perspectives théoriques et méthodologiques complémentaires pour analyser deux corpus de titres et d’images (caricatures politiques à une ou plusieurs vignettes) de l’hebdomadaire Le Canard enchaîné et du supplément Sátira/12 qui portent sur Jacques Chirac et Carlos Menem respectivement, à des moments de grande importance politique pendant leurs deux mandats. / This thesis analyzes the satirical humour discourse that aims at the presidential institution, by focusing on how its content and form are constituted and interrelated. Based on a bicultural approach (France-Argentina) aiming to contribute to the conceptualization of transcultural humour, we put forward that beyond local specificities, it is possible to construct a grammar, or a system of invariants, constituted by verbal and visual codes.Following an approach based on information and communication sciences, we merge different theoretical and methodological perspectives to analyse two corpora of titles and images (political cartoons and strips), from the weekly Le Canard enchaîné and the weekly newspaper supplement Sátira/12, that deal with Jacques Chirac and Carlos Menem, respectively, at moments of great political importance of their two presidential terms. / En este trabajo abordamos la construcción de la imagen mediática del ex presidente JacquesChirac en el semanario satírico francés Le Canard enchaîné, centrándonos en los rasgos depersonalidad que el periódico atribuye al personaje. Nuestro corpus está conformado por 234títulos que tratan sobre el mandatario en cuatro períodos de análisis seleccionados por suimportancia en el contexto político de Francia a lo largo de sus dos mandatos. Realizamosinicialmente un análisis de discurso y un análisis de contenido de los títulos con el fin deidentificar y clasificar los rasgos de personalidad y detectamos que la mayoría son negativos.Acto seguido, aplicamos un test χ² que nos permitió determinar la existencia de unadependencia entre los rasgos negativos y los períodos analizados. Un Análisis Factorial deCorrespondencias Simples posibilitó identificar tres grupos con algunas modalidadesasociadas. La decisión de conformar estos grupos fue luego confirmada por un Análisis deClasificación Jerárquica. Los rasgos agrupados según un ethos preponderante constituyenaspectos nucleares en la figura de un Presidente y su variación a lo largo de los cuatroperíodos analizados no responde a un criterio cronológico sino que parece guardar relacióncon las vicisitudes del escenario político.

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