While post-communist countries share a common past, the variability of outcomes in both democracy and economic reform is very large in the region. Only a few countries have become Western-type democracies in Eastern and Central Europe and the Baltic. By contrast, the norm is clearly not democracy for other Soviet successor states: regimes range from semi-autocratic to downright repressive. In my doctoral dissertation, I attribute this variation to differences in the infrastructural capacity of the state. Using both quantitative and qualitative analyses within 21 post-communist countries, I argue that for democracy to flourish, the state must first possess the means necessary to maintain law and order, to protect the rights of citizens, in other words, to insure the maintenance and delivery of essential public goods. The results show that on the one hand, the links between a strong state that has been able to apply a definitive set of rules, and democratic institutions are clear. On the other hand, where state capacity was more limited after independence was gained, democracy was a less likely outcome. By trying to recentralize power to compensate for the state's administrative limitations, executive authorities also had a parallel tendency to build vertical structures of authority and to suppress liberties and freedoms. In turn, I explore the sources of infrastructural state capacity at the onset of independence. Soviet rule did not leave uniform traces on societies: there were important variations in ruling patterns from Eastern Europe to Central Asia. Therefore this dissertation explores how the shape of colonial ties shared by each entity with the former metropolitan center had direct implications on the administrative capacity of the successor states. In short, the coupling of heavy state engineering with low levels of state penetration and high levels of exploitation were least conducive to the construction of robust state structures. / À ce jour, les pays post-communistes présentent de considérables différences en termes de démocratie et de réformes économiques, ce, malgré un passé commun. En fait, seulement quelques pays d'Europe Centrale et de l'Est ainsi que les républiques Baltes, ont acquis le statut de démocraties. Pour les autres anciennes républiques Soviétiques, la norme est toute autre. La plupart d'entre elles affichent des régimes soit semi-démocratiques, ou tout simplement autoritaires. Dans le but d'expliquer cette différence, je fais appel au concept de capacité étatique, qui réfère à l'infrastructure de l'appareil d'état. À l'aide d'analyses quantitatives ainsi que qualitatives menées dans 21 pays post-communistes, cette dissertation vérifie l'hypothèse suivante : un État doit être en mesure de maintenir la loi et l'ordre, de protéger les droits des citoyens, en d'autres mots de garantir l'allocation d'une certaine classe de biens publics, pour qu'un régime démocratique puisse y apparaître et persister. Les résultats des analyses menées établissent la présence d'une robuste association entre, d'un côté des institutions démocratiques, et de l'autre, un certain niveau de capacité étatique. Dans les États où cette capacité était limitée au moment de l'indépendance, une conclusion démocratique était moins probable. En tentant de re-centraliser les pouvoirs de l'État pour compenser certaines faiblesses administratives, plusieurs gouvernements ont eu tendance à construire des structures d'autorité verticales et à ainsi limiter les libertés des citoyens. En retour, cette dissertation explore également les conditions qui peuvent expliquer les différents niveaux de capacité étatiques observés au moment de la chute du communisme. En particulier, je cherche à démontrer que l'Union Soviétique n'a pas utilisé les mêmes méthodes pour gouverner toutes ses colonies : d'importantes variations existent entre les colonies informe

<p> The purpose of this thesis is to examine why an effort by the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) to update Medicare Part D prescription drug formularies failed so spectacularly. Additionally, it will examine the strong Congressional response and the role interest groups played in the defeat of this proposal. The unexpectedness of the rule is what garnered the response from Congress while the atomistic nature of modern interest groups allowed for coalition building and targeted lobbying efforts that further perpetuated the Congressional response. In conclusion, if any regulatory agency wants to undertake a controversial rulemaking they need to solicit appropriate feedback from relevant parties before doing so to prevent Congressional outrage. Even though interest groups have a more fractured message on most issues today due to their general atomization, they proved that they could still successfully coalesce around important policies to achieve a desired outcome.</p>

<p> This dissertation investigates Platonic political philosophy as a possible means for understanding the relationship between knowledge and power. Via a close reading of Heinrich Meier's early work on Carl Schmitt and Leo Strauss, it attempts to articulate how political philosophy in Meier's sense works, as well as to carry out <i>in actu</i> a piece of interpretation in accord with its characteristic approach. It finds that Meier "purifies" (<i>kathairo</i>) the figures of Schmitt and Strauss into the exemplars of political theology and political philosophy, respectively; that he traces postmodern relativism back to its roots in a moral-theological view associated with revelation; that he is able in this way to sharpen the distinction between political theology and political philosophy, and, more generally, between the orders of knowledge and of power; and that these orders, despite much obvious interpenetration, are incommensurable in view of their extreme cases. Further, it finds that political philosophy operates in the interrogative mode for questioning the assertions and commands of political and theological authorities, and the hypothetical subjunctive mode for protecting itself, and philosophy generally, from persecution at the hands of such authorities; in addition, it employs these modes to gain insight into its own possibility and necessity, or to progress in self-knowledge. Finally, it finds that political philosophy makes a characteristic turn (<i>periagoge</i>) toward the good, and that this is only justified if the good sticks to the real or if truth is somehow primary or if not everything is possible.</p>

<p> The term "capital" has been stretched and extended beyond its original theoretical roots, and this has resulted in confusion. After reviewing various problems associated with the conceptual stretching of "capital," I argue that, when used correctly with careful specification of the input-output processes, capital is a useful and necessary concept in political science. To demonstrate this, I propose three articles that focus on (1) social capital, (2) political capital in the presidency, and (3) political capital in the Supreme Court. All three articles maintain a common definition of "capital," which stems from original economic definitions; capital is "an investment with a&hellip;return in the marketplace" (Lin 2002, 3). In economics, we can think of capital as an input in production which improves the efficiency of labor. Higher amounts of capital result in higher output for the same labor input. In economics, we can differentiate between physical capital (such as machinery, buildings, vehicles, etc.) and human capital (such as education and talents of employees that aid production). We can also view social and political capital in similar ways. </p><p> Chapter II argues that sports teams, as physical social capital, can help individuals increase their stocks of social capital (human social capital) as the teams provide institutional structures that bring individuals together and decrease "social distance" between community members. Chapter III focuses on presidential political capital and demonstrates how this form of capital affects and is affected by veto usage. Results suggest that higher stocks of political capital can reverse the typically presumed costs associated with the veto. Chapter IV looks at judicial decision making and suggests that orally arguing attorneys may have higher "efficiency in labor" (or more preferred outcomes in terms of individual justices' votes with less effort) when they share collegiate affiliations with the justices. These three chapters are certainly not comprehensive of how "capital" can be used, but they provide examples of how, with proper specification, capital can be a useful concept. The conclusion draws parallels between these types of capital and various forms of capital in economics and urges scholars to incorporate the concept of "capital" into future research.</p>

<p> Research has shown that neoliberal economic reforms and globalization have helped foster a post-industrial economy in the United States. As manufacturing has fled for cheaper labor markets, this post-industrial economy increasingly focuses on creative and knowledge-based industries, financial sectors and related service industries, and tourism as economic drivers. This has led to a rise of the "creative class" of labor who specialize in these areas. A literature review has shown that city and regional strategic plans have begun to focus on attracting these industries, the creative class and capital investment rather than focus on building strong communities through social reproduction strategies. This thesis will investigate whether these changes can be observed on a neighborhood planning level by investigating strategic neighborhood plans prepared by the Community Planning and Development department at the City of Denver.</p>

<p> The theoretical problem tackled by this study is that of the stability and durability of democracy in plurinational states. The issue at stake is whether it is possible for these states to preserve both the democratic process and their territorial integrity without eventually disintegrating into their constituent nationalities. Spain&mdash;one of the earliest states of the Modern Era&mdash;consolidated as a democracy after the authoritarian Franco regime, but thirty-six years after the adoption of its current democratic constitution it is still facing in the Basque Country and Catalonia challenges affecting the nature and integrity of the state. It constitutes, therefore, a relevant case to study the long-term viability of democracy in nationally heterogeneous societies. The particular case of the Basque Country in Spain is of special interest. Until 2011 contemporary democracy there has been undermined by nationalist violence aimed to obliterate Spanish constitutional legality and the state's territorial integrity. Robert A. Dahl underlines that the democratic process presupposes the legitimacy of the territorial unit in which it takes place. If that unit is not appropriate or legitimate, then it is difficult to legitimize it just by democratic procedures.</p><p> The problem of the viability of contemporary democracy in the Basque Country was addressed by Juan J. Linz in his work <i>Conflicto en Euskadi </i> (1986), written in 1980. On the basis of extensive 1979 survey data, Linz takes stock and concludes that although the initial legitimacy of Spanish constitutional legality in the Basque Country was not strong, there was no viable alternative to it. This was so because the legitimacy of the independence alternative sponsored by radical nationalists was as weak, or even weaker, than the constitutionalist option. The present research revisits <i> Conflicto en Euskadi</i>, focusing on the city of San Sebasti&aacute;n as a representative microcosm of the Basque Country. The choice of this city can be justified on the central role that San Sebasti&aacute;n plays in the contemporary political life of the Basque Country. Once staunchly liberal and cosmopolitan, San Sebasti&aacute;n is today primarily the capital of the province of Guip&uacute;zcoa, which used to be a stronghold of Basque primordialism and is today one of radical nationalism. Against this background, San Sebasti&aacute;n has featured prominently in the violent ETA conflict that since 1977 has run in parallel with thirty-six competitive elections.</p><p> A key research tool of this study is constituted by a survey of contemporary elites of San Sebasti&aacute;n. The <i>Donostia 2012 Elites</i> survey was carried out in the spring and summer of 2012 by the author. It includes 142 extensive interviews with some of the most prominent business leaders, political officers and professional personalities of the city. Despite the time elapsed, the conclusions of the present study largely follow those reached by Linz in <i>Conflicto en Euskadi.</i> As measured by the attitudes and choices of <i>Donostia 2012 Elites</i> and wider population surveys, legal constitutional legitimacy has since 1979 moderately improved but does not yet reach levels that would keep it at bay of nationalist challenges. As regards the numbers of those who favor the independence alternative, the picture has meanwhile remained basically stable. But the intensity of their feelings and determination to pursue this option may have increased. Between Spanish Constitutionalists and pro-independence Sabinian nationalists there is an intermediate group of light-minded elites. They are important because their numbers and middle-ground positions give them on many issues a majority coalition-making capacity with either Constitutionalists or Sabinians.</p><p> The relative stability during contemporary democratic years of the Basque political system and of elites' and citizens' preferences has taken place against a background of never-experienced-before political and social changes. They include the consolidation of a very broad level of self-government, with full fiscal competences, a major expansion in the knowledge and use of the vernacular Euskera language, and an end to almost five decades of ETA terrorism that has left behind more than 850 victims. The present study underlines that the fragile institutional and behavioral stability that has prevailed so far is not guaranteed to last. It is likely that pro-independence Sabinian nationalist in control of local, provincial and Basque autonomous institutions will continue to push initiatives challenging the established constitutional legality, while some of the options that middle-ground, light minded citizens and elites may favor&mdash;such as increased levels of autonomy&mdash;may not be sustainable. They cannot be continuously implemented without eventually changing the nature of the constitutional legality they are supposed to only quantitatively modify. </p>

This thesis is an analysis of the impact of social media on protest (more specifically on the 'Arab Spring') and the mediating function of civil society networks in affecting protest. The role of social media tools in facilitating anti-regime protest is qualitatively analyzed through case studies of the 2011 uprisings in key protest countries. While cross-national data on internet penetration and survey data on public perceptions of the role of the new media do offer some evidence in support of social media tools as a facilitator of protest, upon a more thorough analysis, it is clear that the degree of protest in the region does not correlate strongly with internet penetration and other secondary variables need to be considered. Drawing on social movement theory and the notion that social movements are more prone to happen in communities with 'dense network ties,' this study will analyze pre-existing civil society affiliation as an important mediating variable and will qualitatively outline the function of pre-existing civil society activism in facilitating the 'Arab Spring' protests. The study will then quantitatively determine the individual's decision to participate in protest both in terms of pre-existing civil society membership and social media usage. The results will reveal that social media's influence on protest is most compelling in countries where individuals have strong pre-existing organizational ties. The study will conclude by suggesting that the merging of both an active and independent civil society with a strong social media network creates a greater capacity to facilitate protest. / Cette thèse est une analyse de l'impact des médias sociaux sur la protestation (plus précisément le «printemps arabe») et la fonction médiatrice des réseaux de la société civile en affectant protestation. Le rôle des médias sociaux dans la facilitation de protestation anti- régime est l'analyse qualitative à travers des études de cas sur l'édition 2011 des soulèvements dans les pays de protestation clés. Bien que les données transnationales sur la pénétration d'Internet et des données d'enquête sur les perceptions du public sur le rôle des nouveaux médias font offrir des preuves à l'appui des outils de médias sociaux comme un facilitateur de protestation , après une analyse plus approfondie , il est clair que le degré de protestation dans la région n'est pas corrélée fortement avec la pénétration d'Internet et d'autres variables secondaires doivent être pris en considération. S'appuyant sur la théorie des mouvements sociaux et la notion que les mouvements sociaux sont plus enclins à se produire dans les communautés ayant des « liens de réseaux denses » Cette étude analysera affiliation de la société civile préexistante comme une variable médiatrice importantes et qualitativement décrire la fonction de la société civile préexistante activisme de la société en facilitant les manifestations du «printemps arabe». L'étude permettra ensuite de déterminer quantitativement la décision de l'individu de participer à protester à la fois en termes d'adhésion pré-existante de la société civile et de l'utilisation des médias sociaux. Les résultats révèlent que les infrastructures des médias sociaux ont la plus forte influence sur la protestation dans les pays où les individus ont de forts liens organisationnels préexistants. L'étude se terminera en suggérant que la fusion à la fois d'une société civile active et indépendante avec une solide infrastructure des médias sociaux est la condition la plus favorable pour faciliter la manifestation anti- régime.

Examining the evolution of welfare states over the past four decades, this dissertation explores the factors that have impacted coverage levels and benefit standardisation, with a particular emphasis on the role of left-wing parties and unions in reforming access to healthcare and income support for the unemployed in France and Italy. This comparison derives its force from contrasting policy outcomes across both countries and policy domains. In dealing with the growing swaths of individuals incapable of accessing benefits as the labour market became increasingly segmented, the Italian case was marked by dramatic universalising reform in healthcare but a persistent lack of universally available social assistance, while in France residualising transformations within the pre-existing framework prevailed in both sectors. Using a combination of archival research, in-depth elite interviews, and secondary source research, this thesis argues that the aforementioned variation in welfare state reform is less about partisanship than it is about institutional arrangements. While left-wing parties have been the main drivers of reform, they do not consistently problematise gaps in coverage, since the extension of generous benefits to all typically entails fiscal and/or political trade-offs. Within this context, certain characteristic features of Southern European states (such as the centrality of the family and clientelism) condition the political importance of coverage gaps, both for parties and the public. Public opinion then impacts the likelihood of reform, while the organisational incentives of parties structure the type of reform pursued. In order to assess the generalisability of conclusions drawn from the qualitative paired comparisons, the findings are then tested across OECD countries using statistical analysis. The analysis provides an opportunity to consider the proper definition of the dependent variables, and the corresponding modeling strategy, in comparative policy analysis. The thesis argues that duration analysis offers a particularly useful way of modelling policy change. Overall, results provide support for the conclusions drawn from the comparison of France and Italy: coverage levels and benefit standardisation in OECD welfare states are functions of complex interactions between social welfare institutions, public preferences, and political parties and unions. / Examinant l'évolution des États providences au cours des quatre dernières décennies, cette thèse explore les facteurs qui ont influencé les niveaux de couverture sociale et la standardisation des prestations en France et en Italie. La thèse met particulièrement l'accent sur l'influence des partis politiques et des syndicats sur l'extension d'accès à l'allocation chômage minimum et aux soins de santé. La force de cette comparaison provient du contraste des politiques tant entre les domaines politiques qu'entre les deux pays. Faisant face à un nombre croissant d'individus n'ayant pas accès à des prestations à cause d'un marché du travail de plus en plus segmenté, le cas italien a été marqué par une réforme remarquable d'universalisation du système de santé, avec toutefois un manque persistant d'assistance sociale universelle; tandis qu'en France, une « résidualisation » des systèmes existants dans les deux domaines a prévalu. Combinant une recherche archivistique avec des entretiens approfondis auprès des élites ainsi qu'en épluchant de nombreuses sources secondaires, cette thèse affirme que la variation des réformes susmentionnées est davantage fonction des arrangements institutionnels que fonction d'idéologie partisane. Bien que les partis de gauche aient été les principaux moteurs des réformes, ils n'ont pas toujours su problématiser les lacunes des couvertures sociales, puisque l'extension de prestations universelles implique normalement des compromis fiscaux ou politiques. Dans ce contexte, certaines particularités caractéristiques des États de l'Europe du Sud (comme la centralité de la famille et le clientélisme) ont conditionné l'importance politique des lacunes dans la couverture sociale, autant pour les partis politiques que pour le public. Ensuite, l'opinion publique a également influé sur la probabilité des réformes pendant que les motivations organisationnelles des partis ont joué sur le genre de réformes recherchées.Pour évaluer si les conclusions de la comparaison qualitative par paires peuvent être généralisées, les résultats ont ensuite été testés sur les pays de l'OCDE utilisant une analyse statistique. Cette analyse a fourni l'occasion d'examiner la définition appropriée des variables dépendantes, ainsi que la modélisation correspondante, dans l'analyse comparative des politiques. La thèse soutient que l'analyse de durée offre une façon particulièrement utile de modéliser les changements politiques. Dans l'ensemble, les résultats de l'analyse statistique concordent avec les conclusions tirées de la comparaison des cas français et italien : les niveaux de couverture sociale et la standardisation des prestations dans les États providences de l'OCDE sont fonctions d'une interaction complexe entre les institutions de protection sociale, les préférences publiques ainsi qu'entre les partis politiques et syndicats.

This dissertation explores the emergence of lesbian civic subjectivities in the context of legal equality in South Africa and Argentina. This is done through an examination of the activism of two self-identified lesbian and bisexual women's organizations—Free Gender in South Africa and La Fulana in Argentina. I argue that the negotiation and redefinition of multiple identities in the formation of collective identity of each group can be usefully conceived of as a process of subject formation for the public sphere. I refer to this process as lesbian organizing and argue that the subjectivities created through this process pose specific challenges to dominant discourses of citizenship in each context. In South Africa, citizenship is constituted by a discourse of 'the gap' between 'rights on paper' and 'rights in practice.' Insisting on a 'gap' between de jure and de facto citizenship generates the expectation that certain citizens will not be able to effectively exercise their rights, thus obscuring the political and social construction of the conditions of this vulnerability. This discourse intersects another—'homosexuality is unAfrican,'or the idea that non-heterosexual activity is a colonial import and that sexual minorities are therefore not African and less than human. Together, these two discourses construct homophobic violence as the product of exclusively heterosexual, often homophobic 'communities' and constitute as mutually exclusive the subject positions of 'black lesbian' and 'African,' 'woman,' and 'community member.' Free Gender's lesbian organizing challenges these discourses through redefinition of these terms to be commensurate with 'black lesbian.' Free Gender insists upon the commensurability of these positions in public via participation in memorial services for deceased lesbians, which demonstrates the existence of a black lesbian organization in the townships, respect for the family of the deceased and the community as a whole, and lesbian kinship ties. Black lesbians are shown to have profound and enduring ties to the community and by extension are themselves profoundly human, forcing a reconsideration of the terms of being 'human' in the public sphere. In Argentina, a discourse of human rights enabled the recent passage of same-sex marriage, referred to as Matrimonio Igualitario (Equal Marriage) by proponents. Couched in the language of conferring the “same rights with the same names” upon all Argentines regardless of sexual orientation, the law is a premier example of the reinvigoration of a human rights discourse under the Kirchner administrations. This has had the unanticipated effect of structuring the public sphere around an axis of sameness and difference, with the burden on LGBTI (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex) citizens to perform a degree of sameness in order to become legitimately public subjects. Fulana's goal of lesbian visibility emerges as a corrective to heterosexism and homophobia both in society and in the group itself. It is simultaneously a demand directed at group members who, it is believed, must overcome their 'internalized lesbophobia' and a demand directed at society for entrance into the public sphere on the terms of citizenship. Rather than espousing a particular image of 'the lesbian' to be included in the public sphere, La Fulana's demand for lesbian visibility insists upon 'openness' as a characteristic of the subjectivities the group would like to see in the public sphere, as well as the terms upon which the group would like the process of inclusion to be carried out. La Fulana's lesbian organizing insists that inclusion itself be the process by which yet-to-be determined subjectivities emerge. What appears through comparison of Free Gender and La Fulana is the specific nature of the challenge lesbian organizing poses to the norms that govern the terms of inclusion in the public sphere. / Cette thèse explore l'émergence des citoyennes lesbiennes en tant que sujets au sein des nouvelles égalités juridiques en Afrique du Sud et en Argentine et ce, en examinant les activités de deux organisations activistes de femmes qui s'identifient elles-mêmes en tant que lesbiennes et bisexuelles – Free Gender (en Afrique du Sud) et La Fulana (en Argentine). J'avance que la négociation et la redéfinition des identités multiples, dans la formation de l'identité collective de ces deux groupes, peuvent être utilement conçues en tant que processus de formation du sujet dans la sphère publique. Je nomme ce processus « lesbian organizing » et j'avance que les sujets créés à travers ce processus posent des défis spécifiques aux discours dominants de la citoyenneté dans chacun des deux contextes examinés. En Afrique du Sud, l'idée de la citoyenneté provient d'un discours de « l'écart » entre les droits « en théorie » et les droits « en pratique ». L'insistance d'un « écart » entre citoyennetés de facto et de jure présuppose que certains citoyens ne pourront pas exercer leurs droits de manière effective. Ce discours en croise un autre selon lequel « l'homosexualité n'est pas africaine », et où les activités qui ne sont pas hétérosexuelles sont importées par les colonisateurs; les minorités sexuelles ne seraient donc pas africaines, elles seraient moins qu'humaines. Ensemble, ces deux discours décrivent « les communautés » comme étant exclusivement hétérosexuelles et souvent homophobes. Dans ce cadre discursif, les termes « lesbienne noire », « membre d'une communauté », « africaine » et « femme » ne sont pas compatibles. Free Gender conteste ces discours en redéfinissant les termes précités et en les mettant sur le même pied d'égalité que celui de « lesbienne noire ». Free Gender insiste sur le fait qu'en public, ces termes sont inséparables lors de services funéraires de lesbiennes décédées, ce qui démontre l'existence d'une organisation lesbienne et noire dans les townships, le respect pour la famille de la personne décédée et de la communauté dans son entier, ainsi que des liens qui unissent ces lesbiennes. Ces femmes sont elles-mêmes, par extension, profondément humaines; ce qui nous force ainsi à reconsidérer le terme d'être « humain » dans la sphère publique.En Argentine, le développement d'un discours des droits de l'homme a permis l'adoption récente du mariage entre personnes de même sexe, dénommé Matrimonio Igualitario (droit égal au mariage) par ses instigateurs. Pétrie dans une rhétorique qui promeut l'idée de conférer les mêmes droits « avec les mêmes noms » à tous les Argentins, indépendamment de leur orientation sexuelle, cette loi est le premier exemple de la redynamisation d'un discours sur les droits de l'homme sous l'administration Kirchner. Cela a eu pour effet imprévu de structurer l'espace public autour d'un axe de similitude et de différence et a obligé les citoyens lesbiennes, gays, bisexuels, transgenres et intersexes à performer un certain degré de similitude afin de devenir des sujets légitimement publics. La visibilité lesbienne, l'objectif de La Fulana, se présente comme une façon de corriger l'hétérosexisme et l'homophobie de la société, mais également du groupe lui-même. C'est à la fois une demande adressée aux membres du groupe qui, croit-on, doivent surmonter leur « lesbophobie internalisée », et une demande adressée à la société afin que les conditions du devenir citoyen puissent avoir lieu dans la sphère publique. Plutôt que d'épouser une image particulière de « la lesbienne » qui devrait être incorporée dans la sphère publique, La Fulana réclame une visibilité lesbienne et insiste sur « l'ouverture », qui caractérise les sujets que ce groupe voudrait voir dans la sphère publique. Ce qui ressort de cette étude comparative entre les deux organisations, c'est la nature singulière que le défi du « lesbian organizing » ajoute aux normes qui régissent les termes de l'inclusion dans la sphère publique.

Media have both direct and indirect influences on policy, and can, at various times, serve as a contributor to policy, a conduit of policy information, and a mirror to the policy process. Although the scholarly literature acknowledges media's role in the policy process, particularly their ability to affect policymakers directly, systematically push policy alternatives, or influence public opinion, the literature often omits a critical role for media: reflecting the policy process. Mass media are the public's largest source of information on policy, yet the volume and tone of media reporting on policy over time, not to mention what we can learn about public policy through media data, are often overlooked. This dissertation examines how we can use media as a tool to better understand the complexity of public policy narratives, framing and change. It also suggests an approach to using media data as a tool to examine the relationships between policy actors and domains. Using automated content analysis of over 25-years of comparative media data, this dissertation consists of three articles: each makes a contribution to the policy literature, namely in the areas of pension policy, immigration policy, and the literature on issue ownership. When taken together, these articles make a broader contribution to the field's understanding of how framing, language and narrative impact the public's understanding of many facets of the policy process. Results demonstrate the value of understanding media's role as a mirror. Additionally, the approach used can be considered a contribution to the methodological toolkit available to policy and political communications scholars to assist them in better understanding the complex relationships between policy and media. / Les médias ont des effets directs et indirects sur les politiques. À différents moments, les médias peuvent participer à la création et à la diffusion de politiques, tout comme ils peuvent éclaircir le processus d'élaboration de ces politiques. Le rôle des médias dans ce processus, surtout par rapport à leur capacité d'influer sur les décideurs de façon directe, d'avancer systématiquement des politiques de rechange ou d'influencer l'opinion publique, est reconnu dans la littérature spécialisée. Toutefois, on y aborde rarement un autre rôle fondamental des médias, qui est celui de nous faire comprendre le processus de création de politiques. Pour le public, les médias de masse constituent la principale source d'information sur les politiques, mais le volume et le ton des rapports médiatiques à ce sujet au fil du temps – sans oublier les apprentissages sur les politiques publiques que nous pouvons tirer des données des médias – sont souvent négligés. La présente dissertation traite de l'utilisation des médias comme outils pour approfondir notre compréhension du récit, de la formulation et de la modification des politiques publiques. Elle propose également une approche pour appliquer des données médiatiques à l'examen des rapports entre acteurs politiques et domaines. La présente étude s'appuie sur une analyse de contenu automatisée de données comparatives des médias, couvrant une période de plus de 25 ans. Chacune des trois grandes sections de l'analyse apporte une contribution à la littérature spécialisée, en explorant les politiques en matière de pension et d'immigration, ainsi que la question de l'adhésion aux politiques. Dans son ensemble, l'étude renseigne sur la portée de l'expression, du langage et du récit sur la compréhension populaire des nombreux aspects du processus d'élaboration de politiques. Les résultats de l'analyse soulignent l'importance de comprendre le rôle des médias dans la traduction de ce processus. De plus, les chercheurs qui s'intéressent aux politiques et à la communication politique peuvent utiliser l'approche méthodologique proposée pour étudier les rapports complexes entre les politiques et les médias.