La décennie 1980-1991 a constitué pour la construction politico-institutionnelle de l'Europe communautaire un tournant historique symbolisé par les deux grandes étapes que sont l'Acte unique européen (1986) et le traité de Maastricht (1992). Cependant, c'est bien en coulisses et non à travers ces images d'Epinal que se noua le destin de la Communauté européenne .Au-delà de ces réalisations concrètes, il convient de s'attarder sur ce qui poussa les décideurs de l'époque à accepter ou même à refuser d'approfondir cette construction. Dès lors il s'agit, à travers cette étude, de tenter de cerner autant qu'il se peut les deux mouvements de relance (1984 et 1989) qui, durant cette période, se sont profilés sur le plan des institutions communautaires et paracommunautaires de coopération et qui, finalement, conduisirent les responsables européens à s'orienter vers l'Union politique et plus globalement vers l'Union européenne. / The 1980-1991 decade has been an historical turning point for the creation of the political and institutional European community, symbolized by two keys events : the Single European Act (1986) and the Treaty of Maastricht (1992).However, it is behind the scenes and not only through these specific actions that the real destiny of the European Community was sealed. Beyond these concrete actions, a strong attention should be given on what pushed, at that time, the decision makers to accept or even refuse to deepen this construction.From then on, the purpose of this study is to identify as much as possible the two political stimulus plans (1984 and 1989), that during this period, were outlined by the Community institutions and mechanisms of cooperation in foreign policy.

Zugl.: Berlin, Humboldt-Univ., Diplomarbeit, 2005

Zugl.: Berlin, Humboldt-Universiẗat, Diplomarbeit, 2005.

La Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU), fondée en 1903 par Emmeline Pankhurst, est une organisation suffragiste britannique. Poursuivant son but d’obtenir l’octroi du droit de vote aux femmes, cette organisation élabore une propagande très développée pour faire entendre son message auprès du gouvernement et du public. C’est de cette propagande que nous faisons l’étude à travers l’analyse des trois hebdomadaires successifs que la WSPU a publiés de 1907 à 1917 : Votes for Women, The Suffragette et Britannia. Dans un premier temps, nous montrons que la diffusion du message de la WSPU repose largement sur le périodique. Notre étude nous conduit ensuite à analyser la production et le contenu de ces périodiques, la façon dont ceux-ci rendent compte de l’évolution de la WSPU et de son rôle avant et pendant la Première Guerre mondiale. Enfin, nous analysons la réception de cette propagande par le public, ainsi que l’impact que les actions de la WSPU ont eu sur le mouvement suffragiste et sur la société britannique, jusqu’à ce que les femmes obtiennent le droit de vote en 1918. / The Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU), founded in 1903 by Emmeline Pankhurst, is a British suffragist organisation. It aims at gaining votes for women and works out highly developed propaganda techniques to convince the government and the population. In this thesis, we study the propaganda of the WSPU through the analysis of the three successive weekly newspapers published by the organisation between 1907 and 1917: Votes for Women, TheSuffragette and Britannia. First, we try to show that the message of the WSPU is largely conveyed through those periodicals. Our study then leads us to analyse the production and the contents of those periodicals, the way they show the evolution of the WSPU and its role before and during the First World War.Finally, we focus on the way the WSPU propaganda was received by the public,and on the impact that the deeds performed by the WSPU had on the suffragist movement and the British society before women got the right to vote in 1918.

This study focused on the rhetorical structure of the Women's Social and Political Union. An interdisciplinary methodology was used to examine the components of rhetorical structure: ideology, goals, leaders, membership, and strategies. The rhetorical structure became the thread which held the movement together and provided the impetus for its progression and through four stages: formation and development, the beginning of militancy, the flourishing of membership, and the eruption of violence. The final stage brought about differing ideologies, inconsistent goals, and a divided membership. Although the rhetorical structure was shattered and the movement ended, it succeeded in changing the Victorian image of women and contributed to the larger women's movement.

Economia / Doctoral in Economics / A constatação da existência de um desequilíbrio importante entre as vertentes política e económica do processo de integração europeia, com a primeira num clima de debilidade e a segunda quase no limite máximo, constitui o ponto de partida para a presente dissertação. Associando-se tal situação aos principais défices actuais da União Europeia (UE) de competitividade, crescimento e emprego, de peso político, de participação e legitimidade democrática, e de capacidade de decisão e acção e ao actual modelo de organização política, institucional e económica da União, argumenta-se a favor de uma profunda mudança no mesmo. Nesse contexto, são observados vários modelos sugeridos no passado recente, com base numa análise custo-benefício assente nas respostas dos mesmos aos binómios unidade/diversidade e flexibilidade/compromisso . Associando a essa análise alguns elementos históricos e o êxito do modelo federal em sociedades com larga diversidade, argumenta-se a favor da evolução da UE para uma Federação de Estados-Nação fortemente descentralizada, baseada numa Constituição e com organização institucional federal, cujas características básicas são descritas. Nota-se adicionalmente que a mudança para este modelo deverá ser acompanhada por alterações importantes ao nível económico. Confrontando a literatura do federalismo fiscal com a actual situação ao nível da definição e implementação das políticas orçamentais nacionais e ao nível da composição e aplicação do orçamento comunitário, conclui-se que a UE se encontra ainda bastante longe de uma situação de federalismo orçamental. Neste âmbito, procede-se a um conjunto de sugestões de mudança a dois níveis temporais distintos. No médio e longo prazo, aponta-se para a necessidade de alargamento da dimensão e de alterações no modo de financiamento do orçamento comunitário, incluindo-se a sugestão de criação de um novo recurso próprio assente na tributação do rendimento individual, como forma de possibilitar uma resposta eficiente aos novos desafios da União e de permitir algum exercício da função de estabilização macroeconómica ao nível central. No curto prazo, aponta-se para a necessidade de alteração ao enquadramento institucional relativo à coordenação das políticas macroeconómicas, de construção de um mecanismo limitado de absorção de choques assimétricos, e de uma reforma mais credível do Pacto de Estabilidade e Crescimento, incluindo a possibilidade de diferenciação temporária das regras de disciplina orçamental, em função da dimensão e do nível de desenvolvimento dos Estados-Membros, e de tratamento mais favorável dos incentivos à Investigação e Desenvolvimento, sugestões assentes na apresentação e resolução numérica de um modelo de união monetária a dois países. / The existence of an important disequilibrium between the two faces economic and political of the process of European integration is the departing point of this thesis. By associating such disequilibrium with the major present deficits in the EU of competitiveness, growth and employment; of political weight; of participation and democratic legitimacy; of capacity for decision and action and the present model of political, institutional and economic organisation, we argue for a profound change in such model. In this context, we analyse several models that have been suggested for the case of the EU in the last years. A cost-benefit analysis is thus carried and based on the capacity of these models to deal with two essential binomials unity/diversity and flexibility/compromise. By adding several elements from the European history and the success shown by federal models in societies with large diversity, we argue for an evolution of the EU towards a highly decentralised Federation of Nation-States . This Federation should be based on a true Constitution whose characteristics we describe, together with those of a federal organisation. We also note that the evolution towards this model should be accompanied with important changes at the economic level. By comparing the theory of fiscal federalism with the current situation in terms of the definition and implementation of national fiscal policies and of the composition and use of the European budget, we conclude that the EU is still far away from the case of fiscal federalism and that several changes should happen at two distinct temporal levels. In the medium to long term, we call for an important enlargement of the EU budget together with substantial changes in its financing, including the creation of a new own resource based on individual income taxation. This measure would raise the capacity of the EU to deal with its new challenges and allow the EU to have a significant role in terms of macroeconomic stabilisation. In the short run, we argue for a relevant change in the institutional framework for the coordination of macroeconomic policies, the creation of a limited shock-absorber mechanism and a more credible reform of the Stability and Growth Pact. This reform would allow for a temporary differentiation of fiscal discipline rules, by taking into account the economic dimension and level of development of the Member-Countries, and for a more favourable treatment of public expenses related to Research and Development, with these suggestions sustained by the numerical solution of a model of monetary union with two countries.

Si la littérature du biais inflationniste de la Nouvelle École Classique, au travers des concepts decrédibilité et de transparence, a conduit à l'indépendance des Banques centrales, sa critique par laNouvelle École Keynésienne l'a réduit à une indépendance instrumentale et a mis en exergue le rôlede sa gouvernance, de l'importance de sa relation avec la sphère politique pour la légitimité de sonaction, ainsi que le rôle essentiel des Conseils de politique monétaire (CPM).Aussi bien en théorie que dans les faits, ce cadre institutionnel qui reflète la gouvernance montre uneBanque centrale non pas séparée du politique mais plutôt en relation avec celui-ci. Dans la mesure oùles décisions de politique monétaire sont prises par un CPM, la gouvernance concerne également sonorganisation et les procédures d’élaboration de la décision.L’objectif de cette thèse est d’analyser à la lumière de ses développements récents, la gouvernance àla BCEAO et à la BEAC qui sont les Banques centrales couvrant les deux unions monétaires de lazone franc, à savoir l’UEMOA pour la première et la CEMAC pour la seconde. Cette thèse a aussipour objectif de montrer que la pérennisation de ces deux unions monétaires passe par une meilleuregouvernance et la nécessité d’un fédéralisme budgétaire en leur sein impliquant donc une plus forteunion politique. Toutefois, nous soulignons les obstacles rendant très difficile la réalisation de cetteultime étape de l’intégration. / If the literature of the inflationary bias of the New Classical School, through the concepts of credibilityand transparency, led to the independence of Central Banks, its review by the New Keynesian Schoolreduced it to an instrumental independence and has highlight the role of its governance, of theimportance of its relationship with politicians for the legitimacy of its action and the essential role of theCouncils of monetary policy.In theory and in practice, this institutional framework that reflects governance shows a Central Bank(MPC) not separated from politics but rather in connection therewith. Insofar the monetary policydecisions, the governance, and procedures for the preparation of the decision are taken by a CPM.The objective of this thesis is to analyze in the light of recent developments, governance at theBCEAO and the BEAC which are the central banks covering two monetary unions from franc zonenamely WAEMU and CAEMC. This thesis also aims to show that the sustainability of these twomonetary unions through the benefits might enjoy better governance and the need for fiscal federalismwithin them thus implying a stronger political union. However, we highlight the barriers embarrassingthis final stage of integration.

La presente Tesis Doctoral realiza un estudio serio y riguroso de la Unión Europea concebida como entidad política sui generis, original, desde una perspectiva eminentemente jurídica a la que se suma también la visión histórica y la política.Tras poner de manifiesto en los capítulos introductorios que la vocación política de la Unión Europea se remonta incluso tiempo atrás al nacimiento de las primeras Comunidades, el núcleo de la investigación se prodiga a analizar la naturaleza política del edificio europeo. En particular, se sostiene la dimensión materialmente constitucional de la construcción europea, ya defendida por el Tribunal de Justicia de las Comunidades Europeas en reiterada jurisprudencia. La metodología que se sigue resulta de aplicar categorías y conceptos clásicos del Derecho constitucional a la Unión. A este respecto, se presta especial atención al reparto de poder, a la arquitectura institucional, a los derechos fundamentales, al funcionamiento democrático. Asimismo, el Tratado constitucional merece en nuestro trabajo una consideración especial y diferenciada toda vez que representa el paradigma de la profundización política pues toda Constitución, por definición, es el texto legitimador de una comunidad política. Entre las aportaciones más originales, cabe señalar un modelo de organización política bosquejado por nosotros al que denominamos Federalismo supranacional cooperativo, que reformula el Federalismo supranacional asociando al método comunitario los mecanismos cooperativos. Este modelo que acuñamos nos permite aproximarnos al sistema político europeo en nuestros días. Nuestras conclusiones subrayan que la UE, desde sus orígenes, ha aspirado a la construcción política; que las aspiraciones a la construcción política han cristalizado en un proyecto europeo singular que reproduce con matices las estructuras estatales tradicionales; que el Tratado constitucional encarna ese proyecto europeo singular. Representa un modelo de comunidad política europea de vocación democrática, que asocia elementos federales y con-federales, enraizado en valores compartidos, derechos fundamentales, principios y libertades; que el Tratado que establece una Constitución para Europa, comúnmente conocido como Constitución Europea, no puede ser calificado como un Tratado más. Tiene naturaleza materialmente constitucional, es una Constitución material de naturaleza singular para la Unión Europea; que el Tratado constitucional representa un peldaño más en el proceso de construcción europea, de carácter dinámico, evolutivo, no acabado. Los resultados de la Cumbre de junio de 2007 no colman las expectativas iniciales del periodo constituyente; que la unión política es indispensable para que Europa se convierta en un actor político mundial y pueda contribuir a la resolución de los retos a los que se enfrenta la sociedad internacional del siglo XXI. La adopción de un Tratado de reforma no es la más plausible a medio-largo plazo; que el éxito de la unión política reposa en la adhesión ciudadana al proyecto europeo. Es necesario promover entre los ciudadanos de la Unión el europeísmo, el sentimiento de unidad europea, la conciencia de compartir un destino común.Parece conveniente resaltar que el Tratado constitucional no ha entrado en vigor, de un lado, porque la aceptación del carácter federal de la UE, superador de las instancias estatales, exige un proceso de asimilación lento; de otro, porque la ciudadanía no lo ha respaldado, al estar todavía distanciada del proyecto europeo, de su magnitud y alcance, en suma, de los beneficios de la Unión Europea.En todo caso, la Constitución Europea no está muerta pues el Tratado de Lisboa, pese a desprenderse de los símbolos políticos, recoge las principales aportaciones de la Constitución Europea.La Relevancia y la Actualidad de nuestro trabajo son fruto de replantearse el papel de la Unión Europea en el siglo XXI y la viabilidad de realizar con éxito su cometido -afrontar los desafíos de la globalización-, para lo que resulta conveniente consumar la integración adoptando un modelo federativo. Ciertamente, la sociedad internacional del siglo XXI es extremadamente compleja y los desafíos exigen acciones en común, coordinadas. El Estado-nación se perfila como una estructura algo trasnochada y frágil. Tan sólo las asociaciones de Estados -en sus múltiples variantes- pueden dar respuesta a la globalización y encauzar problemas como la pobreza, el desarrollo sostenible, la energía, el terrorismo internacional, los flujos migratorios, el narcotráfico, las catástrofes naturales, etc.

Thesis (B.A.(Hons.)) -- University of Adelaide, 1978. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 100-102).

The purpose of this study is to investigate whether organizational factors can influence the success of social movements. This is accomplished through a qualitative comparative case study where the women's suffrage movements, Women's Social and Political Union and Landsföreningen för Kvinnans Politiska Rösträtt are compared. The study also aims to increase the understanding and knowledge of the two movements' organization and exercise to answer the question, why both movements succeeded. The study provides an in-depth picture of how the female suffrage movements worked and the similarities and differences between the movements. Finally, the study finds that the organization of the movements did impact the outcome of the movements and can thus explain the success of WSPU and LKPR.