The purpose of this essay is to study the similarities and differences in the rhetoric of the Swedish organisation” LKPR” and the English Suffragette’s. How they present their idea of the political vote for women, what kind of metaphors are used e.tc. The study is based on the voting women’s newspapers, as well as letters and a speech. The study is also supposed to discuss the various reasons why the militant methods and rhetoric in the democratization from the suffragette’s in England did not influence the voting women of Sweden in a more comprehensive way, and why Swedish activist did not use the militant methods. This has many complex explanations. The rhetoric of the suffragettes was far more militant and associated with the concept of war. In Sweden, it was more about motherhood, family and home, the Swedish activist did not embrace the militant methods of the suffragette’s. That’s partwise because of the concept of femininity, the fear of further conflicts, dependence on men etc. Even if the two organisations were distinctly different, one thing they shared was the concept of “a new kind of woman”. It was a woman who broke the social structures, gender structures and in some cases even laws to get what they wanted. It was a woman who no longer pleased with what they were assigned, but now looked for what they considered to be entitled to. It was a new type of woman who came to stay.

The goal of this study is to investigate how the writers from the female association for women’s rights, LKPR, manoeuvred the gender stereotypes in their newspaper Rösträtt för kvinnor between 1912 and 1919. The writers responded to male and female opponents that claimed that women did not belong in politics, higher education or the public with logical reasoning, humour and persistence. By operating through the newspaper the writers gained access to the public and could publicly make their opinions heard. They wrote about official women´s rights meetings, collected mass petitions and held local and national meetings. In the pursuit of full political rights for women, the writers came to give prominence to femininity as an important factor to why women should be included in the political landscape. Feminine attributes such as motherhood and their social conscience was described as a strong potential as a contributing force in the Swedish politics, especially after the first World War. The writers emphasized education as a means for political change, first-hand through LKPRs educational social courses which were held across Sweden with the goal to educate and engage women in the pursuit of gaining women’s right to vote. The importance of education was found indirectly in their emphasis on academic achievements and titles of women in Sweden and elsewhere, but also in the many advertisements regarding different kinds of education for women. In addition to that the writers reports frequently of the political demands on equal education that LKPR was a part of. Important women of LKPR were often acknowledged in articles for their educational successes, academic titles and their dedication for the work of women’s rights, which functioned as a positive example of how an ideal women’s rights women should be. The writers constructed an ideal women’s-rights-woman which was politically and academically educated, an active force in the fight for women’s right and at the same time a well behaved mother and housewife. This ideal woman had the chance to challenge the gender roles of the time and to operate in the gap between what was defined as masculine and feminine in order to achieve the right for women to vote. My research can contribute to the exciting academic field because of the new material, the newspaper that have not been closely discussed before but also because of the new knowledge presented of the indirect focus of education and the constructed ideal women’s-rights-women.

Due to the standards and values that characterized our society through history women have had a hidden place in the historiography. By a qualitative media analysis these values have been analysed to find out how   women with the right to vote moved the values and how they were described in newspapers and magazines.  The study is from Judith Butlers interpretation of how the gender perspective went through a process of normalization. The linguistic dimension of women has been analysed for two reasons firstly to discover how women are described as political subjects in 1911 and 1921 and how this can have affected perceptions of gender and value.  In my study I came to the conclusion that their political interests and achievements most often were overshadowed because of their gender 1911 more than 1921.  During 1921 it was still more important that women were women than men were men. Secondly I have studied how the women through magazines tried to tone down the fact that they were ground breakers. The study resulted in that the women often described their female characteristics in relation to their political relevance to give the reader the impression that femininity and politics belong together. These phenomena showed up more often in magazines than newspapers and were interpreted as these connections between femininity and politics were a part woman’s leverage to get the right to vote. The study contributes to the research of women’s history and a wider understanding for how language and journalism can contribute to perceptions of genus.

Syftet med studien är att undersöka om och hur de politiska åsikterna hos den ledande gruppen i LKPR påverkade urvalet kring vilka kvinnor som borde få politisk rösträtt. Studien ämnar även visa hur föreningen såg på manligt engagemang i dess arbete. Studien är utförd av textanalytiskt slag. Den teoretiska utgångspunkten i studien utgår från teorin om ”närvarons politik” som säger att enbart de som närvarar vid ett beslut kan påverka vilket beslut som fattas. Resultatet av studien pekar mot att stöd för någon segregering mot män inte kan påträffas i det undersökta materialet. Föreningens åsikter, speciellt de tidigt utformade, har delvis styrts av de högerkvinnor som var aktiva i föreningen och har därför påverkats av dessa kvinnors politiska riktning. Slutsatser från studien är även att det huvudsakliga motståndet mot kvinnans rösträtt i Sveriges återfanns hos den politiska högern. Högern var de sista som gav med sig 1919 efter flera års nekande röstning. Genom användandet av teorin om ”närvarons politik” adderar studien till redan existerande forskning om LKPR via en ökad förståelse för hur synen på närvaro både gällande män och kvinnor påverkade föreningens agenda för de frånvarande.

This essay studies how religiosity is formulated and discussed within the women´s suffrage movement, LKPR, in Sweden during the early 1900s. I have studied articles in journals written by central actors in the organization and applied a discourse analysis. This era in Sweden is characterized by political turbulence, and an increasing questioning of the Church of Sweden and how its doctrine is used by the state to legitimize a patriarchal social structure. I have also applied the “gender contract” as a theoretical perspective to show how the gender roles within the Church of Sweden not only created a framework for the women to stand within, but also to elucidate these actors’ approaches to these conditions and the complex situation they were in during the conflict where they were torn between state law, church frameworks and the dream of liberation. The work illustrates how voting rights activists used religion in their rhetoric to, among other things, call for activism, legitimize the political issue and demonstrate past values ​​depending on your gender and the roles you were thus assigned. With emotions such as love, despair, frustration and hope formulated in the scriptures, religion became one of the organization's tools in the political project.

This master’s thesis deals with technologies intended for flight control during approach and landing. The main focus is on perspective approach systems, including differential technology systems. The thesis is to serve as a study aid for pilots and students of Air Traffic study programme. The main aim of this thesis is to create a qualified whole of perspective and used approach systems. Individual systems include basic characteristics and assessment of their future use. The thesis also includes an analysis of the possibility of implementing the DGNSS system at the airport with multiple runways. Prague-Ruzyně airport was chosen for this purpose. The implementation of this system is compared to other precision approach systems.

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The purpose of this study is to investigate whether organizational factors can influence the success of social movements. This is accomplished through a qualitative comparative case study where the women's suffrage movements, Women's Social and Political Union and Landsföreningen för Kvinnans Politiska Rösträtt are compared. The study also aims to increase the understanding and knowledge of the two movements' organization and exercise to answer the question, why both movements succeeded. The study provides an in-depth picture of how the female suffrage movements worked and the similarities and differences between the movements. Finally, the study finds that the organization of the movements did impact the outcome of the movements and can thus explain the success of WSPU and LKPR.