Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Connecticut, 2002. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Yale University, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 227-235).

Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Sci. polit. / Bibliogr. p. 415-431.

SILVA, Valney Veras da. Argumentação no discurso parlamentar de legitimação da corrupção política. 2014. 218f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Letras Vernáculas, Programa de Pós-graduação em Linguística, Fortaleza (CE), 2014. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-01-20T15:28:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_vvsilva.pdf: 2270576 bytes, checksum: 3924c5b5f3f01849028293f7479ae62b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2015-01-20T15:51:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_vvsilva.pdf: 2270576 bytes, checksum: 3924c5b5f3f01849028293f7479ae62b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-01-20T15:51:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014_tese_vvsilva.pdf: 2270576 bytes, checksum: 3924c5b5f3f01849028293f7479ae62b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / The “Argument in parliamentary discourse of legitimation of political corruption”, title of this thesis, aims to investigate the parliamentary discourse of legitimation of political corruption, focusing on the examination of how to configure the relationships between discourse, ideology and linguistic-discursive strategies. Perceived that the political corruption by discursive dimension, and not only by political science bias, in order to perceive that there is a discourse produced to legitimize this practice, and to identify the resources veiled that naturalize it. The Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) theoretically underlie the research, specifically the socio-cognitive approach to van Dijk (2006, 2008), which is configured in its multidisciplinary approach, from the dimensions social, cognitive and discursive. Through discursive socio-cognitive is that it becomes feasible to scrutinize the political corruption strategy of legitimation among the texts produced in the Chamber of Deputies of Brazil, producing group discourse analyzed. Although the theoretical aspect, we propose a link between the Theory of Semantic Blocks of Carel and Ducrot (1997, 2001) and sociocognição, thus substantiate the analysis methodology, which investigates the parliamentary discourse legitimizing corruption by arguing the their subjects. The corpus of analysis consists of pronouncements of federal deputies, between the years 2012 and 2013, above “julgamento do mensalão”, flagship event on the political corruption that led the leaders of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) to condemnation. It is understood that, as a social group, the Chamber of Deputies and the PT, position themselves ideologically and that such a stance is presented in the discourse produced and shared. The discursive legitimation of political corruption produced by a social group is characterized as abuse of power. The sociocognição arises in the field of CDS because investigates the ideology of domination from the discursive dimension. The TBS based categories of argumentative analysis necessary to scrutinize the political discourse, from the statements listed by the subjects of discourse. Thus, it is understood that the unveiling of such discourses of legitimation corroborates against a more subtle form of oppression, discursive and ideological. / A “Argumentação no discurso parlamentar de legitimação da corrupção política”, título desta tese, tem como objetivo investigar o discurso parlamentar de legitimação da corrupção política, com foco no exame de como se configuram as relações entre discurso, ideologia e estratégias linguístico-discursivas. Observa-se a corrupção política pela dimensão discursiva, e não somente pelo viés das ciências políticas, de modo a perceber que há um discurso produzido para legitimar tal prática, bem como identificar os recursos velados que a naturalizam. Os Estudos Críticos do Discurso (ECD) embasam teoricamente a pesquisa, especificamente a abordagem sociocognitiva de van Dijk (2006, 2008), que se configura na sua multidisciplinaridade, a partir das dimensões social, cognitiva e discursiva. Por meio da sociocognição discursiva é que se torna viável o perscrutar da estratégia de legitimação da corrupção política dentre os textos produzidos na Câmara Federal de Deputados do Brasil, grupo produtor dos discursos analisados. Ainda no aspecto teórico, propõe-se uma articulação entre a Teoria dos Blocos Semânticos de Carel e Ducrot (1997, 2001) e a sociocognição, para assim fundamentar a metodologia de análise, que investiga o discurso parlamentar de legitimação da corrupção por meio da argumentação dos seus sujeitos. O corpus de análise é composto por pronunciamentos de deputados federais, entre os anos 2012 e 2013, sobre o “julgamento do mensalão”, evento emblemático acerca da corrupção política que levou à condenação líderes do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Entende-se que, como grupo social, a Câmara de Deputados e o PT, posicionam-se ideologicamente e que tal postura se apresenta no discurso produzido e compartilhado. A legitimação discursiva da corrupção política produzida por um grupo social configura-se como abuso de poder. A sociocognição se coloca no campo dos ECD porque investiga a ideologia de dominação a partir da dimensão discursiva. A TBS fundamenta as categorias de análise argumentativas necessárias ao perscrutar do discurso político, a partir dos enunciados elencados pelos sujeitos do discurso. Desta forma, entende-se que o desvelar de tais discursos de legitimação corrobora contra uma forma mais sutil de opressão, a discursivo-ideológica.

Thesis (MTech (Public Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2014. / Ethical conduct displayed by members of the public sector is integral to creating a sustainable democratic government, which upholds the constitutional tenets of accountability, transparency and professional ethicality. Furthermore, a true constitutional democracy emphasises and advocates the notion of service leadership that nurtures public participation and engages with citizens in a positive manner. Ethical conduct in the public sector earns public trust; it is hence a key principle in good governance. Yet, in the years since the advent of democracy in South Africa, the government has been plagued by rampant corruption and maladministration by public officials and politicians in leadership positions. The external control measures passed by government in an attempt to ensure ethicality and accountability within the public sector include codes of ethics, rules of conduct and the enactment of legislation. These are intended to shape the mindset of members of the public sector, with the ultimate aim of an efficient, effective, ethical and responsive public service. The purpose of the current study is to analyse non-compliance with external control measures within the public sector by means of selected case studies and to present the reasons for this occurrence. The three cases selected are: the South African Arms Deal, the corruption trial of Jackie Selebi, and the investigation of Bheki Cele regarding irregularities in the procurement of SAPS assets, the latter two who served as National Commissioners of the South African Police Service but were each dismissed from that post. The reasons for non-compliance with external control measures in the public sector as well as recommendations based on the findings to improve compliance will be undertaken. The three case studies demonstrate the experience and impact of corruption and/or maladministration, which have contributed to the increasing loss of confidence in political leadership in the country as elsewhere in the world. A qualitative methodology of inquiry, including a review of literature covering the theories applied to the case studies will be employed. Owing to the subject nature of the current study, the findings will be validated by an independent source, which has been identified as the Office of the Public Protector.

Submitted by Franciele Moreira (francielemoreyra@gmail.com) on 2017-10-10T17:09:21Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Vital Francisco Celestino Alves - 2017.pdf: 2851880 bytes, checksum: 58887cdbcfcb5f397bbc878509dbd6cf (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2017-10-11T10:55:50Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Vital Francisco Celestino Alves - 2017.pdf: 2851880 bytes, checksum: 58887cdbcfcb5f397bbc878509dbd6cf (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-11T10:55:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Tese - Vital Francisco Celestino Alves - 2017.pdf: 2851880 bytes, checksum: 58887cdbcfcb5f397bbc878509dbd6cf (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This research takes on the challenge of linking Jean-Jacques Rousseau to the republican tradition by a common thread: political corruption. For this, it is assumed that corruption is a problem of extreme gravity and importance for political regimes in general, especially the republican regime. Arguing that that problem has been intrinsically linked to the discussions prompted by this tradition since ancient times, was revisited in the Renaissance, is present in republican thinking in the Enlightenment, and continues to threaten contemporary political regimes; this study, initially, briefly maps how its object of research appears in the reflection of the leading exponents of the republican strain, throughout the history of philosophy, in order to prepare the ground to defend the thesis that political corruption is a serious danger to the Republic. Hence, the study of the latency of corruption in the Republic – analyzed and discussed based on the rousseauist theoretical edifice – provides evidence linking the Genovese author with the Republican line. In examining the reasons why corruption is a harmful problem for the Republic, this research offers its share for placing Rousseau in the lineage of Republican thinking, as, in seeking to accomplish our goal, we examine other notions and concepts we consider appropriate for reflection on the risks of political corruption for the Republic. / A presente pesquisa assume o desafio de vincular Jean-Jacques Rousseau à tradição republicana mediante um fio condutor: a corrupção política. Considera-se, para tal vínculo, o pressuposto de que a corrupção se inscreve como um problema de extrema gravidade e importância para os regimes políticos em geral e, especialmente, para o republicano. Sustentando que o referido problema esteve intrinsicamente ligado às discussões suscitadas por essa tradição desde a Antiguidade, retomado no Renascimento, presente nas reflexões republicanas do Século das Luzes e segue ameaçando os regimes políticos contemporâneos, o estudo, de início, mapeia sucintamente como o objeto de investigação elencado se configura na reflexão dos principais expoentes da estirpe republicana, ao longo da história da filosofia, com o intuito de preparar o terreno para defender a tese de que a corrupção política representa um grave perigo para a República. Logo, o estudo da latência da corrupção na República – analisada e discutida a partir do edifício teórico rousseauísta - possibilita comprovar a ligação do autor genebrino com a linhagem republicana. Ao serem examinadas as razões pelas quais a corrupção se apresenta como um problema nocivo à República, a pesquisa oferece o seu quinhão para a perfilhação de Rousseau ao pensamento republicano, isto porque, ao se buscar realizar esse objetivo, examinam-se outras noções e conceitos que consideramos pertinentes à reflexão sobre os riscos da corrupção política para a República.

Masters in Public Administration - MPA / In its new democracy, South Africa is busy making endeavours to transform and correct the wrongs and problems of the past. In the process it is vital that obstacles to development such as corruption in the public sector should be uprooted as they inhibit quality service delivery and further damage the name of the public service.This study compares anti-corruption strategies in South Africa’s Western and Eastern Cape provinces, in particular by looking at both the achievements and limitations that have been experienced. The focus area is the provincial administrations in both provinces. In order to contextualise the evaluation of the anti-corruption strategies pursued by the two provincial administrations, the study also includes an examination of the role of provinces in general in combating corruption.The research methods employed include a detailed survey of documentation published by the provincial governments’ anti-corruption agencies, as well as reports by civil society organizations focusing on corruption in the public sector. The study also draws on semi-structured interviews conducted with key stakeholders in the two provinces.The study concludes by summarizing the successes and limitations of the two provincial administrations in dealing with corruption. A number of practical recommendations are provided to strengthen the future design and implementation of anti-corruption strategies.The empirical research for this research report was carried out in 2003 before the national and provincial elections of 2004. / South Africa

Magister Legum - LLM

Anti-corruption measures are put forward as a panacea to effective procurement system, among other things, which ultimately improve service delivery. Corruption has demonstrated remarkable durability and flexibility to survive in all socio-economic systems with the conception of a corruption-free economy in reality, is hardly possible. Given this background, this study sought to evaluate the efficacy of the already implemented anti-corruption measures in the procurememt procecesses of Marondera municipality. To understand their effectiveness, relevant literature was reviewed. Different scholars point against the ineffectiveness of these measures, with Corruption Perception Index (CPI) from previous research showing devastating results in Zimbabwean local institutions. A further discussion of corruption cenception, different anti-corruption measures and legal frameworks gave a greater understanding of the area under study. In this study, a sample of 80 respondents was identified and data collected from them using both snow ball and purposive sampling methods. Thirty-five of them were females respondents and forty-five were male respondents from Marondera municipal community, with different demographic characteristics which was used for comparison of responses. Questionnaires and interviews were used as research instruments. Both the Quantitative and Qualitative research methods were used in the anaylsis of the data, to increase validity and reliability of the feelings.

It is attempted with this dissertation to draw an explanatory interdisciplinary framework to clarify the causes of systemic corruption. Following an intense review of political sciences, economics, and sociology literatures on the issue, a complex systems theoretical model is constructed. A political system consists of five main components: Society, interest aggregators, legislative, executive and private sector, and the human actors in these domains. It is hypothesized that when the legitimacy level of the system is low and morality of the systemic actors is flawed, selected political, social and economic incentives and opportunities that may exist within the structure of the systemic components might -individually or as a group- trigger corrupt transactions between the actors of the system. If left untouched, corruption might spread through the system by repetition and social learning eventually becoming the source of corruption itself. By eroding the already weak legitimacy and morality, it may increase the risk of corruption even further. This theoretical explanation is used to study causes of systemic corruption in the Turkish political system. Under the guidance of the complex systems theory, initial systemic conditions, -legacy of the predecessor of Turkey Ottoman Empire-, is evaluated first, and then political, social and economic factors that are presumed to be breeding corruption in contemporary Turkey is investigated. In this section, special focus is given on the formation and operation of amoral social networks and their contribution to the entrenchment of corruption within the system. Based upon the findings of the case study, the theoretical model that is informed by the literature is reformed: Thirty five system and actor level variables are identified to be related with systemic corruption and nature of the causality between them and corruption is explained. Although results of this study can not be academically generalized for obvious reasons; the analytical framework proposed here can be referenced by policy makers who are willing to trace the roots of systemic corruption in developing countries.