The African National Congress inherited a country with high levels of unemployment, deepening poverty and inequalities. These socio-economic challenges were the result of the previous apartheid regime‟s reliance on racism to conduct its affairs such as the distribution of basic services and socio-economic wealth of the country. As such, the African National Congress (ANC) came up with different policies and programmes aimed at significantly transforming these skewed and racialised socio-economic conditions. Socio-economic empowerment was identified as one of the key programmes to be championed by the new democratic government led by the ANC. To this end, tenders or public procurement formed a vital element of the economic strategies that were put in place as a means of empowering black entrepreneurs with a view that they will in turn empower others through the means of „trickledown‟ economics. Tender guidelines were designed to advance this programme in a transparent, fair and cost-effective way. Contrary to this noble idea, the practice of tenders has become synonymous with acts of bribery and financial kickbacks which are serious forms of corruption. In this regard, the electronic and print media report daily about government officials, public servants, politicians and business people who have found a way of manipulating tender rules and other economic empowerment policies to enrich themselves at the expense of the people of South Africa. This study focuses on tenders and corruption in the post-apartheid era. It reviews key programmes such as the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), Batho Pele, Masakhane, Affirmative Action (AA) and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE). The study claims that while these programmes were important, the lack of moral or ethical leadership at all levels of society ate into the moral fibre upon which these programmes were based. On the basis of the evidence presented, this study concluded that the ANC-led government was correct in using public procurement as one of its methods to address the legacy of Apartheid. However, the research study also confirmed that corruption is essentially a moral or ethical problem and as such there should be an ethical solution to it. While there are many ethical perspectives, this study found that African ethics in general and Ubuntu in particular is the most relevant type of ethic that could be used as a panacea to corruption. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2012.

Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006. / Thesis Advisor(s): Kalev Sepp. "December 2006." AD-A462 564. Includes bibliographical references (p.83-89). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Text in English / The problem of leadership and corruption in Nigeria is a known fact. A good number of Nigerian politicians and top government officials do not think that politics has anything to do with ethics. Currently, injustice is displayed in all spheres of Nigerian life. Indigenous moral values are almost completely ignored and abandoned. Nigeria no longer operates according to the hallowed observance of the rubric ‘Aa kii see’ (it is not done). It is no longer a society of law and order, crime and punishment, good behaviour and adequate reward. It is no longer a society which recognises the principles of abomination/taboos, or what the Yorubas describe as eewo. Taboos represent the main source of guiding principles regulating and directing the behaviour of individuals in the community. However, experience has shown over the years that politics’ functional peak is only attainable with the help of ethics. Politics based on the ethical principle of social equality is one of the indispensable features of true democracy. For politics to be effective and meaningful, ethics must not be forgotten. Politics without morality produces unethical leadership. This study claims that, the much desired political moral uprightness is achievable in Nigeria, if African traditional ethics is harnessed as a tool in solving the problem of unethical leadership and corruption, especially embezzlement. The thesis also attempts to show that, through reinforced moral education for both young and old, it will become more accepted that morality is the backbone of politics and it must not be ignored. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Philosophy)

nÃo hà / A âArgumentaÃÃo no discurso parlamentar de legitimaÃÃo da corrupÃÃo polÃticaâ, tÃtulo desta tese, tem como objetivo investigar o discurso parlamentar de legitimaÃÃo da corrupÃÃo polÃtica, com foco no exame de como se configuram as relaÃÃes entre discurso, ideologia e estratÃgias linguÃstico-discursivas. Observa-se a corrupÃÃo polÃtica pela dimensÃo discursiva, e nÃo somente pelo viÃs das ciÃncias polÃticas, de modo a perceber que hà um discurso produzido para legitimar tal prÃtica, bem como identificar os recursos velados que a naturalizam. Os Estudos CrÃticos do Discurso (ECD) embasam teoricamente a pesquisa, especificamente a abordagem sociocognitiva de van Dijk (2006, 2008), que se configura na sua multidisciplinaridade, a partir das dimensÃes social, cognitiva e discursiva. Por meio da sociocogniÃÃo discursiva à que se torna viÃvel o perscrutar da estratÃgia de legitimaÃÃo da corrupÃÃo polÃtica dentre os textos produzidos na CÃmara Federal de Deputados do Brasil, grupo produtor dos discursos analisados. Ainda no aspecto teÃrico, propÃe-se uma articulaÃÃo entre a Teoria dos Blocos SemÃnticos de Carel e Ducrot (1997, 2001) e a sociocogniÃÃo, para assim fundamentar a metodologia de anÃlise, que investiga o discurso parlamentar de legitimaÃÃo da corrupÃÃo por meio da argumentaÃÃo dos seus sujeitos. O corpus de anÃlise à composto por pronunciamentos de deputados federais, entre os anos 2012 e 2013, sobre o âjulgamento do mensalÃoâ, evento emblemÃtico acerca da corrupÃÃo polÃtica que levou à condenaÃÃo lÃderes do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Entende-se que, como grupo social, a CÃmara de Deputados e o PT, posicionam-se ideologicamente e que tal postura se apresenta no discurso produzido e compartilhado. A legitimaÃÃo discursiva da corrupÃÃo polÃtica produzida por um grupo social configura-se como abuso de poder. A sociocogniÃÃo se coloca no campo dos ECD porque investiga a ideologia de dominaÃÃo a partir da dimensÃo discursiva. A TBS fundamenta as categorias de anÃlise argumentativas necessÃrias ao perscrutar do discurso polÃtico, a partir dos enunciados elencados pelos sujeitos do discurso. Desta forma, entende-se que o desvelar de tais discursos de legitimaÃÃo corrobora contra uma forma mais sutil de opressÃo, a discursivo-ideolÃgica. / The âArgument in parliamentary discourse of legitimation of political corruptionâ, title of this thesis, aims to investigate the parliamentary discourse of legitimation of political corruption, focusing on the examination of how to configure the relationships between discourse, ideology and linguistic-discursive strategies. Perceived that the political corruption by discursive dimension, and not only by political science bias, in order to perceive that there is a discourse produced to legitimize this practice, and to identify the resources veiled that naturalize it. The Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) theoretically underlie the research, specifically the socio-cognitive approach to van Dijk (2006, 2008), which is configured in its multidisciplinary approach, from the dimensions social, cognitive and discursive. Through discursive socio-cognitive is that it becomes feasible to scrutinize the political corruption strategy of legitimation among the texts produced in the Chamber of Deputies of Brazil, producing group discourse analyzed. Although the theoretical aspect, we propose a link between the Theory of Semantic Blocks of Carel and Ducrot (1997, 2001) and sociocogniÃÃo, thus substantiate the analysis methodology, which investigates the parliamentary discourse legitimizing corruption by arguing the their subjects. The corpus of analysis consists of pronouncements of federal deputies, between the years 2012 and 2013, above âjulgamento do mensalÃoâ, flagship event on the political corruption that led the leaders of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) to condemnation. It is understood that, as a social group, the Chamber of Deputies and the PT, position themselves ideologically and that such a stance is presented in the discourse produced and shared. The discursive legitimation of political corruption produced by a social group is characterized as abuse of power. The sociocogniÃÃo arises in the field of CDS because investigates the ideology of domination from the discursive dimension. The TBS based categories of argumentative analysis necessary to scrutinize the political discourse, from the statements listed by the subjects of discourse. Thus, it is understood that the unveiling of such discourses of legitimation corroborates against a more subtle form of oppression, discursive and ideological.

The study critically examined the implementation of Public Accountability strategies and mechanisms: A case of Buffalo City Municipality. The problem statement gave emphases on the multiple cases drawn from stats reflected in domestic surveys that shows how corruption and maladministration have impacted the province negatively as well as the extreme poverty lines that dominate the communities in the republic and also the province. The New Public Management Theory was used to interpret the manner in which the participants were expected to give their views on leadership and accountability among others key issues. The objectives of the study were to; To assess the mechanisms implemented by Buffalo City Municipality., To explore the challenges affecting public accountability enforcement mechanisms in Buffalo City Municipality towards eradicating corruption, Determine the manner through which the Buffalo City Municipality can adopt tried and tested mechanism from Regional, national & international case studies on how to effective enforce public accountability for the sustainable management and curbing of corruption for effective and efficient service delivery and to recommend new mechanisms which Buffalo City Municipality can utilise in enforcing public accountability towards eradicating corruption in its institutions in order to encourage sustainable community development through service delivery. The study adopted a case study approach based on a mixed method paradigm where data was collected through a questionnaire, interviews and document analysis. Case studies are normally associated with qualitative research, but can also be used as a method of inquiry employing a positivist epistemology and ontology. A total sample of 50 participants was chosen through a non-probability sampling technique. The major findings of the study reflected that there is a huge break in communication between government and the citizens in the locality while also establishing that the mechanisms currently being used were only as good as the factors influencing their implementation among other issues. Major recommendations included community engagement, capacity building and skills development, retention and expansion, lack of resources, promote individual independence of the community and the enhancement the Public Participation Unit.

There is a surge in service delivery protests and a litany of negative reports on

The Office of the Auditor -General’s role is by no means minor, for it plays a major role in curbing corruption and acts as a ‘’watchdog’’ of the nation over public funds. Amidst high mismanagement and misuse of public resources, as well as corruption, especially in developing countries, the major question one asks is how effective the Auditor -General can be in ensuring good governance within state departments so as to improve service delivery. The gaps between approved budgets and the realisation of policy and development goals stand among key governance challenges in many developing countries. Supreme Audit Institutions (SAIs) play an important role in holding governments to account. However, many SAIs including AGSA face serious challenges when trying to evaluate the expenditures and performance of government agencies. Therefore this study suggests that more resources should be invested in the office of the AG so as to allow it to carry out its duties without impediments. Good governance and public finance accountability is becoming increasingly important in the public sector. One means of effecting good governance and accountability is through auditing. For this reason the Office of the Auditor-General through the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996 (Act 108 of 1996 section 216 (1)) was established to facilitate and encourage good governance and effective accountability through auditing. To this end the study assesses the contribution made by the AGSA in encouraging good governance practices in government departments in the Eastern Cape Province.

This thesis seeks to, firstly, define corruption in the context of corruption tolerance and secondly, to assess how citizens’ corruption tolerance is constructed. Corruption tolerance is discussed in the context of trust, democracy and levels of corruption. For the micro analysis, surveys were conducted in Mexico and Poland to determine citizens’ levels of corruption tolerance. It was found that even though the political and cultural reality is very different in both countries and levels of corruption are significantly higher in Mexico than Poland, corruption tolerance amongst citizens was at a very similar level for both populations. Moreover, it could be established that different understandings of corruption influence corruption tolerance. Low tolerance of single immoral acts such as bribery, election fraud and favouritism was met by low tolerance of corruption in general. The macro analysis showed that neither interpersonal trust nor trust in the government predicts low corruption tolerance. However, levels of democracy are found to be reliable indicators of levels of corruption tolerance, proving to be more reliable than levels of corruption.

Thesis (M. A. (Political Science)) -- University of Limpopo, 2022 / State capture in South Africa became the talk of the day in the mainstream media and social media alike. This was the case following state capture report (herein after referred to as ―the report‖) released by former public protector Thuli Madonsela which shed a light about the close relationship between former president Jacob Zuma and the Gupta family. The report alleged that the Gupta family played a role in appointing and offering ministerial positions to those who would bid for them in government procurements and tender awarding. This study seeks to analyse whether or not the state capture controversy in the context of the Zuma-Gupta family is a political manoeuvrings or economic contestations between the business competitors (White establishments and the Gupta family). The existing literature on the state capture narrative looks more at the Gupta family‘s ties with former President Jacob Zuma, highlighting their tumultuous relationship. The dissertation does not justify the Guptas‘ wrongdoings or nepotism, but it showcases that the State Capture narratives has been bolstered by those opposed to economic development. In terms of methodology, the study used qualitative and content analysis to examine the South African state capture debate

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The central research question of this study concerns how corruption as a political risk factor should be measured in order to provide an accurate assessment of the risk factor within the oil and gas industry. The aim is to answer this question with the aid and support of two sub-questions that have been identified as crucial in pursuing this research. The first sub-question conceptualizes corruption as a political risk factor specifically within the oil and gas industry. The second sub-question addresses the oil and gas industry-specific indicators of corruption as a political risk factor. The research embarks upon seven industry-specific indicators, by isolating the relevant national political structural and institutional framework, which has proved essential in identifying the level of corruption as a risk to the oil and gas investor. The indicators are regarded as the most salient variables that can measure the level of corruption as a political risk in a realistic and practical approach. The indicators are subsequently systemised into a matrix that is constructed with the aim of using it as a general measurement tool for oil and gas investors. The study argues that this measurement tool can be of use to the oil and gas investor as it contributes to businesses recognition and anticipation of corruption. The matrix is furthermore applied to the oil and gas industry in Nigeria, in an attempt to test the matrix, and in order to establish how and to what level corruption constitutes as a political risk factor for the oil and gas industry in this country. The result of the indicators demonstrates that the political risk of encountering corruption for the oil and gas investor in Nigeria is of a high level. This study provides a valid basis of constituting how corruption manifests as a risk for the oil and gas investor. Furthermore, the applicability of the matrix provides a practical utility and constructive assessment. This thesis provides a firm foundation for future research in this field. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die sentrale navorsingsvraag van hierdie studie handel oor hoe korrupsie as 'n politieke risiko faktor gemeet moet word om 'n akkurate bepaling van die risiko faktor binne die oilie- en gas industrie te maak. Die doel is om hierdie vraag te beantwoord met die hulp van twee sub-navorsingsvrae wat geïdentifiseer is essensieël on hierdie navorsing te voltooi. Die eerste sub-navorsingvraag konseptualiseer korrupsie as 'n politieke risiko faktor, spesifiek binne die olie en gas industrie. Die tweede sub-navorsingsvraag handel oor die industrie-spesifieke indikatore van korrupsie as 'n politieke risiko faktor. Die navorsing is gevestig op sewe industrie-spesifieke indikatore, wat geïsoleer word vanaf relevante nasionale politieke strukture en institusionele raamwerke, wat essensieël is in die identifikasie van die vlak van korrupsie as 'n risiko vir die olie en gas belegger. Die indikatore word beskou as die mees prominente veranderlikes wat die vlak van korrupsie as n politieke risiko kan meet, as 'n realistiese en praktiese benadering. Die indikatore word gevolglik geplaas binne 'n raamwerk wat gebou is met die doel om dit te bebruik as 'n algemene maatstaf vir die belegger in die olie-en gas industrie. Hierdie studie argumenteer dat die maatstaf gebruik kan word in die olie-en gas industrie, siende dat dit bydrae tot besighede se erkenning en antisipasie van korrupsie. Die maatstaf word verder toegepas op die geval van die olie-en gas industrie in Nigerië, met die doel om dit te toets en ook om vas te stel tot watter vlak korrupsie as 'n politieke risiko faktor vir die olie-en gas industrie teenwoordig is in hierdie land. Die resultaat van die indikatore dui daarop dat daar 'n hoë vlak van politieke risiko vir die olie-en gas industrie in Nigerië bestaan. Die studie verskaf 'n geldige basis om vas te stel hoe korrupsie in die olie-en gas industrie manifesteer. Verder, die toepaslikheid van die maatstaf verskaf praktiese bruikbaarheid en konstruktiewe meeting. Die tesis verskaf 'n stewige basis vir toekomstige navrsing in die veld.