Thesis (Ph. D.)--UCLA, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 330-341).

Thesis (M (Security studies))-University of Pretoria, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D. (History))--Rhodes University, 2006.

M.A. (Political Studies) / This dissertation investigates theoretical aspects of the mobilisational strategies of the African National Congress and its surrogate organisations within the context of the development of their strategic doctrine and utilises the townships of Port Alfred and Cradock as examples. The study focuses on the mechanisms utilised by the African National Congress to mobilise support for its programme during the period 1980-1988. This thesis argues that the activities and actions of the ANC which took place in certain select areas in the Eastern Cape Region of the Republic of South Africa can be correctly described as a People's War insurgency. It examines the concept of People's War within the context of revolutionary warfare or insurgency and identifies the essential characteristics of this doctrine. It then examines the development of the military doctrine of the African National Congress and traces the various strategic influences which have shaped ANC military thinking. It counterpoises the development of ANC People's War doctrines against the model of People's War as formulated by Mao and the Vietnamese theorists. The ANC's People's War doctrine is examined within the context of the various mobilisational, military and organisational mechanisms employed in the townships. These are in turn examined within the framework of the specific township examples selected in the Eastern Cape region. The military dimension of ANC People's War strategy is explained and the reasons for its failure examined. The counter-strategy of the RSA Government is also briefly examined. Conclusions about the changing face of ANC strategy are drawn in the final chapter and the various hypothesis propounded in this dissertation are concluded

Bibliography: leaves 120-126. / The perspective of this dissertation is one grounded in taking an option for the poor and the oppressed in the South African context. Ultimately, this perspective is a theological belief. The perspective is thus that of an explicit choice against apartheid and for social justice. This choice is made on the basis of a social analysis of the South African context. The attempt to write this dissertation from the perspective of the poor and the oppressed is unlikely to succeed completely. As a privileged white, the perspective of the author cannot be fully identified with that of the poor and the oppressed in South Africa. Nonetheless, the attempt is made to write this dissertation from a liberating perspective.

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A la suite de la stipulation des capitula de 1447, Bologne assume une forme de gouvernement « mixte » basée sur la collaboration entre un conseil local, centré sur l’oligarchie associée à la para-seigneurie de la famille Bentivoglio, et un représentant de l’autorité pontificale, détentrice de la souveraineté sur la ville. La recherche vise à approfondir la nature du rapport entre les deux composantes du gouvernement bolognais à la lumière de l’étude du domaine criminel, moins clairement réglementé par les capitula. L’analyse des sources législatives à partir du texte statutaire de 1454, qui symbolise l’entente entre la ville et la papauté nous fournit la base pour la détermination du modèle d’action de la cour podestatale. L’enquête relative aux actes judicaires et aux actes de gouvernement nous permet de déterminer les formes d’ingérence des autorités politiques. Un regard plus approfondi sur les crimes politiques nous révèle enfin la division des sphères de pouvoir entre la domination locale et la papauté. L’étude ainsi effectuée nous transmet l’idée d’une mutation dans un sens « hégémonique » de la justice publique, exploitée par la domination locale pour renforcer sa position devant le pouvoir pontifical. Les limites que la soumission pontificale imposait au développement politique des autorités locales deviennent pourtant évidentes lors de périodes de crise intérieure ou de pressions extérieures : dans ces circonstances, les moyens déployés par les autorités locales pour leur renforcement autoritaire deviennent inutilisables car leur légitimité se pose en conflit avec le respect des prérogatives souveraines pontificales. / After the stipulation of the capitula of 1447, the government of Bologna turns into a collaboration between a local council, centered on the seigniory of the Bentivoglio family and the oligarchy supporting them, and a delegate of the papal sovereignty. The dissertation has the purpose of study in depth the nature of the relationship between the two souls of the “mixed” government ruling Bologna during second half of 15th century by the light of the study of criminal justice, which the capitula do not clearly regulate. The analysis of the legislative sources, starting from the statutory law of 1454, symbol of the mutual agreement between the town and the papacy, gives us the base to clarify the model of action of the podestà court at this time. The investigation of judicial sources and government acts allows us to determine the interferences of the political authorities in the judicial administration and the actual judicial practice. The consideration of the approach to political crimes contributes to elucidate the vision local ruling classes had of the shared governance with the papacy. The study so carried-out provides us the evidence of a mutation of the judicial system, becoming “hegemonic”. The local domination uses this hegemonic system to strengthen her political position in front of the papal sovereignty. The limitation that this one imposes to the local domination gets clear only during domestic political crisis or foreign pressures: through these circumstances, the exploitation of the judicial system in a political way is inapplicable, as the legitimacy of these means clashes with the respect of sovereign prerogatives of the papal power.

Durante o regime militar de 1964, o Supremo Tribunal Federal não atuou de maneira uniforme. Fatores internos e externos interferiram nas decisões do tribunal. Resultantes do enfrentamento entre os militares e os movimentos de oposição; e de contradições internas do STF. As oscilações dessa dinâmica resultaram em momentos de independência de atuação do STF e de expansão e retração dos direitos civis. No trabalho foram analisados os julgamentos de crimes políticos pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) durante o regime militar de 1964. 137 habeas-corpus (HC) interpostos no STF, no período de abril 1964, após o golpe militar até o Ato Institucional nº 5 (AI-5) e 292 recursos ordinários criminais (RCR) impetrados no período de 1964, após o golpe militar, a 1979, antes da anistia. Com a análise dos julgamentos podemos perceber as tensões, as rupturas e o ideário político do Supremo Tribunal Federal / During the military regimen of 1964, the Supremo Tribunal Federal did not act in way uniform. Internal and external factors intervened with the decisions of the court. Resultant external factors of the confrontation between the military and the movements of opposition, and internal factors of the STF. The oscillations of this dynamics resulted at moments of independence of the STF and expansion and retraction of the civil rights. In the work I analyzed the sentences of the politic crimes by Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) during the military regime of 1964. 137 habeas-corpus (HC) petitioned in the STF, in the period of April 1964, after the military coup, until the Institucional Act nº 5 (AI-5) and 292 Recursos Ordinarios Criminais (RCR) petitioned in the STF in the period of 1964, after the military coup, the 1979, before the amnesty. With the analysis of the sentences we can perceive the tensions, the ruptures and the politic conduct of the STF