Cette thèse étudie les générations politiques des chroniqueurs, membres de l’élite journalistique sous le gouvernement de l’AKP, tâchant de définir les rôles qu’ils tiennent et les discours qu’ils produisent lors des crises politiques, dans notre cas celle qui est suscitée par le mouvement de Gezi. En s’appuyant sur la sociologie des crises politiques de Michel Dobry et étudiant le champ journalistique, les trajectoires militantes et professionnelles des chroniqueurs, ce travail avance l’hypothèse principale selon laquelle le rôle d’intermédiaire/médiateur politique est celui dont s’approprient ces derniers lors des crises politiques. La construction médiatique du charisme d’un leader, Erdoğan en l’occurrence, par les chroniqueurs au travers du mouvement de Gezi fait également l’objet de notre recherche / This thesis examines the political generations of the columnists as members of the journalistic power elite under the AKP government, and endeavour to reveal the roles they hold; the discourses they produce during political crises, in our case that which is aroused by the Gezi movement. Relying on the sociology of political crises of Michel Dobry while examining the journalistic field; the militant and professional trajectories of the columnists, this study posits as main hypothesis that the columnists appropriate the role of political mediators during political crises. The media construction of a leader’s charisma that of Erdoğan, by the columnists through the Gezi movement is the subject of our study as well

Em 13 de março de 1964 um comício realizado em Praça pública e comandado pelo então presidente João Goulart ganhou enorme repercussão no campo político, na grande imprensa e na sociedade civil. Era a expressão de um conflito deflagrado com a posse de Goulart, em agosto/setembro de 1961. Num contexto de fortes demandas sociais, crescente politização popular e polarização política e social, o comício da Central explora a construção de novos espaços políticos e ocorre em nome da ampliação democrática. Nessa conjuntura, entre 1961 e 1964, os periódicos se destacam como meios de comunicação de maior alcance, profundamente engajados no conflito político. Assim, o espaço da imprensa constitui um campo de luta privilegiado na disputa pela conquista da opinião pública e os seus principais atores tornam-se também sujeitos do processo político. Através da análise crítica desse passado político recente espera-se trazer novas questões ao debate histórico-político. Procura-se ampliar as possibilidades de observação de argumentos e forças que, vez ou outra, atuam no sentido de postergar a implantação de uma democracia mais ampla e estável no Brasil. / On March 13th 1964, a political rally headed up by then president João Goulart gained enormous traction in political circles, in the press and in civilian society. It was the expression of a conflict that began with the election of João Goulart, in August/September 1961. In a context of strong social demands, growing political awareness and social and political polarization, the rally of Central explores the construction of new political spaces in the name of furthering the expansion of democracy. In this conjuncture, among 1961 and 1964, the periodic ones if detach as medias of bigger reach, deeply engaged in the conflict politician. Thus, the space of the press constitutes a privileged field of fight in the dispute of the conquest of the public opinion and its main actors also become citizens of the process politician. Through the critical analysis of this past recent politician one expects to bring new questions to the debate description-politician. It is looked to extend the possibilities of comment of arguments and forces that, time or another one, act in the direction to delay the implantation of a ampler and steady democracy in Brazil.

Em 13 de março de 1964 um comício realizado em Praça pública e comandado pelo então presidente João Goulart ganhou enorme repercussão no campo político, na grande imprensa e na sociedade civil. Era a expressão de um conflito deflagrado com a posse de Goulart, em agosto/setembro de 1961. Num contexto de fortes demandas sociais, crescente politização popular e polarização política e social, o comício da Central explora a construção de novos espaços políticos e ocorre em nome da ampliação democrática. Nessa conjuntura, entre 1961 e 1964, os periódicos se destacam como meios de comunicação de maior alcance, profundamente engajados no conflito político. Assim, o espaço da imprensa constitui um campo de luta privilegiado na disputa pela conquista da opinião pública e os seus principais atores tornam-se também sujeitos do processo político. Através da análise crítica desse passado político recente espera-se trazer novas questões ao debate histórico-político. Procura-se ampliar as possibilidades de observação de argumentos e forças que, vez ou outra, atuam no sentido de postergar a implantação de uma democracia mais ampla e estável no Brasil. / On March 13th 1964, a political rally headed up by then president João Goulart gained enormous traction in political circles, in the press and in civilian society. It was the expression of a conflict that began with the election of João Goulart, in August/September 1961. In a context of strong social demands, growing political awareness and social and political polarization, the rally of Central explores the construction of new political spaces in the name of furthering the expansion of democracy. In this conjuncture, among 1961 and 1964, the periodic ones if detach as medias of bigger reach, deeply engaged in the conflict politician. Thus, the space of the press constitutes a privileged field of fight in the dispute of the conquest of the public opinion and its main actors also become citizens of the process politician. Through the critical analysis of this past recent politician one expects to bring new questions to the debate description-politician. It is looked to extend the possibilities of comment of arguments and forces that, time or another one, act in the direction to delay the implantation of a ampler and steady democracy in Brazil.

Reference SERGEEVA, Oxana. Enteral Predispositions of the Conflict in Donbass. Prague, 2021. Master's thesis. Charles University,Facultyof Social Sciences,Institute of SecurityStudies. Abstract The Revolution in Ukraine of 2014 has brought a lot of regional and international changes. Even though the crisis appears to be over, the new official authorities of Ukraine and the self- proclaimedDonetsk and Lugansk people's republics are still conflicting.It has commonly been assumed that the armed conflict in Donbas was the result of a latent Russian military aggression against Ukraine and that forces opposing the Ukrainian government do not represent the local populationrather being sponsored by the Russian authority.However, external incentives arguably could not lead to the emergence of a viable and widespread rebel movement unless there were internal predispositions to the emergence of armed separatism. It is vital to address problems within the country to identify domestic preconditions for invasion and conflict incitement. This researchwould argue that a key role in the emergence of the armed separatist movement in Donbas was played by at least two factors: historicallyformed polaritywithin the Ukrainian populationand the structure of the government. Thus, the armed conflict in Donbas was the result of a...

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A presente pesquisa investiga como se deu o processo de (des)construção da imagem pública de Lula durante a crise política brasileira de 2016 e como foram acionadas as narrativas do mito político nesse processo. Para atingirmos esses objetivos analisamos a circulação de narrativas no Twitter que mencionavam a palavra-chave \"Lula\" e que foram publicadas durante quatro contextos ocorridos naquele ano, quais sejam: as manifestações sociais a favor do impeachment de Dilma Rousseff que se deram em 13 de março; as protestações sociais contra o golpe ocorridas em 18 de março, a votação do processo de impeachment na Câmara dos Deputados, em 17 de abril, e no Senado Federal, em 12 de maio. Os procedimentos adotados para a realização da investigação basearam-se em pesquisa teórica sobre os conceitos de mito, narrativa e imagem pública política, bem como sobre a circulação desses conceitos nas sociedades midiatizadas. Além disso, realizamos pesquisa bibliográfica sobre a trajetória política de Lula, bem como acerca da crise política instituída no Brasil desde as manifestações sociais ocorridas em junho de 2013 com vistas a: a) compreender a polarização de sentidos entre as narrativas do impeachment e do golpe, na medida em que essa discussão se mostrou central nas conversações civis predominantemente após a autorização da instauração do processo de impeachment de Dilma Rousseff, em dezembro de 2015; e b) contextualizar os quatro períodos da crise política de 2016 supramencionados. Feito o percurso teórico, a pesquisa empírica baseou-se na análise de redes sociais para que fosse possível investigar os tipos de perfis ou de usuários do microblog (classificados em seis categorias, a saber: perfis de lideranças políticas, de veículos jornalísticos, de blogs jornalísticos, de formadores de opinião, de militância ou de usuários comuns) que foram fundamentais na circulação de informação sobre Lula nos períodos investigados. Baseou-se igualmente na análise de narrativas, destinada à compreensão do conteúdo dessas informações em circulação. / The present research investigates the process of (de)constructing of the public image of Lula during the Brazilian political crisis of 2016 and how the narratives of the political myth were triggered in this process. In order to reach these objectives, we analyzed the circulation of narratives on Twitter that mentioned the keyword \"Lula\" and that were published during four contexts that occurred in that year, namely: the social demonstrations in favor of Dilma Rousseff\'s impeachment that occurred on 13 March; the social protests against the coup on March 18, the impeachment vote in the Chamber of Deputies on April 17 and in the Federal Senate on May 12. The procedures adopted to carry out the research were based on theoretical research on the concepts of myth, narrative and public political image, as well as on the circulation of these concepts in mediatized societies. In addition, we carried out a bibliographical research on Lula\'s political trajectory, as well as on the political crisis instituted in Brazil since the social demonstrations that took place in June 2013, with a view to: a) understanding the polarization of meanings between the narratives of impeachment and the narratives of the coup, inasmuch as this discussion was central to civilian conversations predominantly after the authorization of Dilma Rousseff\'s impeachment process in December 2015; and b) contextualize the four contexts of the political crisis of 2016 mentioned above. The empirical research was based on the analysis of social networks so that it was possible to investigate the types of microblogging profiles or users (classified into six categories, to be specific: political leaders, journalistic vehicles, journalistic blogs, opinion leaders, militants or common users) that were fundamental in the circulation of information about Lula in the periods investigated. It was also based on the analysis of narratives, aimed at understanding the content of this information in circulation.

O objeto central desta dissertação é a transição da crise política estabelecida durante o governo João Goulart para o Golpe Político Militar de 1964. Trabalhando especificamente com a dimensão política do Golpe de Estado, analisamos o conflito conjuntural sistêmico existente entre o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo como sendo sua principal causa político-institucional. Partimos então da seguinte questão: como em um intervalo de menos de três anos o Poder Legislativo foi capaz de abandonar sua postura anti-golpista, sendo determinante para a efetivação do regime militar? Nesse contexto, formulamos a hipótese de que, além de potencializar os conflitos ideológicos da sociedade, as decisões políticas tomadas no Congresso Nacional em meio aos debates sobre as reformas foram cruciais para o desgaste e isolamento político de João Goulart. De tal modo, avaliamos como a incompatibilidade entre o caráter reformista do Poder Executivo e a predominância de uma postura conservadora no Congresso Nacional foi determinante para o término do período democrático da República de 46. Utilizamos os Diários do Congresso Nacional, os discursos presidenciais e as atas de algumas Convenções Partidárias, para analisar os principais conflitos políticos ocorridos entre 1963 e 1964, sendo eles: o restabelecimento do presidencialismo, o Plano Trienal, as negociações em torno de diferentes projetos de Reforma Agrária, a Vigília Cívica, e os conflitos ocorridos durante o mês de março de 1964. Deste modo, buscamos contrapor as teses que tendem a explicar o Golpe de 1964 a partir da justificativa de que ele foi resultado da radicalização dos autores, ou até mesmo, da falta de um compromisso com o regime democrático. Assim, no decorrer da pesquisa buscamos apresentar o protagonismo exercido pelo Poder Legislativo no processo de formulação, execução e legitimação do Golpe de Estado. / The main object of this dissertation is the transition of the political crisis established during the government of João Goulart, to the Political Military Coup of 1964. Considering specifically the political dimension of the coup, we analysed the existing conflict between the executive and the legislative power based on a systemic conjuncture, and as the main political-institutional cause. Therefore, we assume the following question: How was the legislative power capable, in less than three years, of abandoning its anti-coup position, being decisive on the validation of the military regime? In this context, we came up with the hypothesis that, besides potentiating ideological conflicts of society, the political decisions taken in congress during debates about reforms were crucial for the political wearing out and isolation of João Goulart. In that way, we evaluated how the incapability between the reformist character of the executive power and the predominance of a conservative posture on congress was decisive to the end of the democratic times of the Republic of 46. We used the National Congress diaries, presidential speeches and the minutes of a few party conventions to analyse the main political conflicts occurred between 1963 and 1964, being them: the reestablishment of the presidential system, the Triennial Plan, negotiations surrounding different agrarian reform projects, civic vigil, and the conflicts occurred during the March of 1964. Among the objectives of this research, we intended to oppose the thesis, which tend to explain the Military Coup with the justification that it was the result of a radicalization of its authors, or even a lack of 8 compromise with the democratic regime. Therefore, along the research, we intended to present the role of the legislative power in the formulation, execution and legitimation process of the coup.

Cette thèse porte sur la crise ivoirienne dans ce qu’elle décline de pluralité étiologique, de complexité dimensionnelle mais également d’intérêt épistémologique et heuristique en raison des pistes analytiques qu’elle ouvre et permet. Elle enracine la crise dans le « sol des fondations » développementalistes et du diffusionnisme des modèles étatiques à l’épreuve de la donne endogène. L’Houphouëtisme, conception pragmatiste du pouvoir, structure en grande partie la trajectoire ivoirienne postcoloniale marquée par le double cycle de la stabilité et de l’implosion crisogène. La crise structurelle de l’État-nation ivoirien a un complexe étiologique pluriel (économique, social, foncier, migratoire, politique, biopolitique). La faillite du modèle agro-exportateur a servi de terreau fertile à la triple crise socio- économique, politique et militaire. La phénoménologie belligène puise, en réalité, dans des causes lointaines et structurelles. Manipulant l’autochtonie et la différence ethnique à des fins politiciennes, les entrepreneurs politiques ivoiriens semblent avoir choisi le pouvoir au détriment de la nation. L’ivoirité, en tant qu’idéologie d’exclusion, est, en réalité, un outil biopolitique au service de la préservation tant du pouvoir que de l’hégémonie politique. Elle symbolise autant la déhouphouëtisation que la rupture du consensus social. Autant l’ethnie n’est pas, selon nous, une momie autant l’ivoirité ne constitue point ici un disque dur étiologique. Plus profondes et structurelles, les causes de la crise ivoirienne s’enracinent tant dans la généalogie que dans la trajectoire de l’État-nation à la construction inachevée. Renversant le paradigme marxiste, nous donnons ici le primat au politique sur l’économique dans une réalité ivoirienne marquée par la double faiblesse du secteur privé et de la société civile, conférant à la sphère étatique et son immense manne une importance néopatrimoniale. La rébellion et le recours aux armes comme moyens concurrentiels dans la conquête du pouvoir et la partition consacrent la fracture de l’État-nation, aggravée par la crise post électorale de 2010/2011. La prégnance des enjeux politiques n’empêche point de recourir à l’interparadigmité ainsi qu’à la bénéfique connexion des sciences pour un éclairage politologique, et au-delà, une exploration de ce champ épistémique que constitue la Côte d’Ivoire « dans » et « avec » le Monde. / This thesis focuses on the Ivorian crisis in what it holds in terms of etiological dimensional complexity but also of epistemological and heuristic interest because of the analytical ideas it opens and allows. It roots the crisis in the "rockbottom" of developmentalist theories and the diffusionism of state models resistant to endogenous data. Houphouëtism, a pragmatist conception of power, structures most of the Ivorian postcolonial trajectory marked by the dual cycle of stability and crisogenic implosion. A structural crisis of the Ivorian nation-state with a manifold etiologic complex (economic, social, land use, migration, politics, biopolitics). The failure of an agricultural export model fed the threefold crisis: socio-economic, political and military. The phenomenology generating war goes back, in fact, to structural and remote causes. Manipulating indigenism (autochthonous) and ethnic differences for political ends, Ivorian political “entrepreneurs” seem to have opted for power at the expense of the nation. Ivoreanity, as an ideology of exclusion, is in reality a biopolitical tool at the service of retaining power as well as political dominance. It symbolizes the dehouphouëtization as well as the break up of social consensus. Neither is ethnicity, in our opinion, a mummy, nor is Ivoreanity here an etiological hard drive. Deeper and more structural, the causes of the Ivorian crisis are rooted as much in the genealogy as in the trajectory of the nation-state whose construction is still unfinished. Reversing the Marxist paradigm, here we give primacy to the political over the economic in an Ivorian reality marked by a double weakness of private sector and civil society, giving the state sphere and its immense manna a neo-patrimonial importance. Rebellion and the use of weapons as a means to compete in the conquest of power and partition emphasize the collapse of the nation-state, aggravated by post-election crisis of 2010/2011. The salience of political issues does not prevent resorting to interparadigmity and the beneficial connection of science to political science insights, and Beyond, an exploration of this epistemic field that is Côte d'Ivoire "in" and "with" the World.

O presente estudo analisa a eleição do décimo quarto deputado da bancada de Minas Gerais para as Cortes Gerais Extraordinárias e Constituintes da Nação Portuguesa, reunidas em Lisboa durante os anos de 1821 e 1822. Procura-se determinar os motivos que levaram à eleição tardia de um representante dos habitantes da comarca de Paracatu: o Vigário de Desemboque D. Hermógenes Cassimiro de Araújo Bruonswick. A pesquisa analisa as dificuldades vividas na condução da crise política durante esses anos na província de Minas Gerais e na comarca de Paracatu. Com esta análise, pretende-se contribuir para a compreensão da transição do regime absolutista ao liberal na província de Minas Gerais e no Brasil. Para isto, observam-se os diferentes momentos do processo eleitoral em Minas, procurando compreender a construção da unidade na província e no país durante o processo que levou à separação do Reino Unido de Portugal, Brasil e Algarves. / The present study analyses the election of the fourteenth representative from Minas Gerais to the Extraordinary General and Constitutional Cortes (Courts) of the Portuguese Nation, assembled in Lisbon during the years of 1821 and 1822. The aim is to determine the motives which led to the late election of a representative amongst the inhabitants of the Paracatu comarca (district): Sir Hermógenes Cassimiro de Araújo Bruonswick, vicar of Desemboque. The research analyses the difficulties lived in the conduction of the political crisis during these years in the province of Minas Gerais and in the comarca (district) of Paracatu. With this analysis, the intention is to contribute to the comprehension of the transition from an absolutist to a liberal regime in the province of Minas Gerais and in Brazil. Thus, different moments of the electoral process in Minas are observed to comprehend the construction of the provincial and national unity which led to the separation of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil e Algarves.

O objeto central desta dissertação é a transição da crise política estabelecida durante o governo João Goulart para o Golpe Político Militar de 1964. Trabalhando especificamente com a dimensão política do Golpe de Estado, analisamos o conflito conjuntural sistêmico existente entre o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo como sendo sua principal causa político-institucional. Partimos então da seguinte questão: como em um intervalo de menos de três anos o Poder Legislativo foi capaz de abandonar sua postura anti-golpista, sendo determinante para a efetivação do regime militar? Nesse contexto, formulamos a hipótese de que, além de potencializar os conflitos ideológicos da sociedade, as decisões políticas tomadas no Congresso Nacional em meio aos debates sobre as reformas foram cruciais para o desgaste e isolamento político de João Goulart. De tal modo, avaliamos como a incompatibilidade entre o caráter reformista do Poder Executivo e a predominância de uma postura conservadora no Congresso Nacional foi determinante para o término do período democrático da República de 46. Utilizamos os Diários do Congresso Nacional, os discursos presidenciais e as atas de algumas Convenções Partidárias, para analisar os principais conflitos políticos ocorridos entre 1963 e 1964, sendo eles: o restabelecimento do presidencialismo, o Plano Trienal, as negociações em torno de diferentes projetos de Reforma Agrária, a Vigília Cívica, e os conflitos ocorridos durante o mês de março de 1964. Deste modo, buscamos contrapor as teses que tendem a explicar o Golpe de 1964 a partir da justificativa de que ele foi resultado da radicalização dos autores, ou até mesmo, da falta de um compromisso com o regime democrático. Assim, no decorrer da pesquisa buscamos apresentar o protagonismo exercido pelo Poder Legislativo no processo de formulação, execução e legitimação do Golpe de Estado. / The main object of this dissertation is the transition of the political crisis established during the government of João Goulart, to the Political Military Coup of 1964. Considering specifically the political dimension of the coup, we analysed the existing conflict between the executive and the legislative power based on a systemic conjuncture, and as the main political-institutional cause. Therefore, we assume the following question: How was the legislative power capable, in less than three years, of abandoning its anti-coup position, being decisive on the validation of the military regime? In this context, we came up with the hypothesis that, besides potentiating ideological conflicts of society, the political decisions taken in congress during debates about reforms were crucial for the political wearing out and isolation of João Goulart. In that way, we evaluated how the incapability between the reformist character of the executive power and the predominance of a conservative posture on congress was decisive to the end of the democratic times of the Republic of 46. We used the National Congress diaries, presidential speeches and the minutes of a few party conventions to analyse the main political conflicts occurred between 1963 and 1964, being them: the reestablishment of the presidential system, the Triennial Plan, negotiations surrounding different agrarian reform projects, civic vigil, and the conflicts occurred during the March of 1964. Among the objectives of this research, we intended to oppose the thesis, which tend to explain the Military Coup with the justification that it was the result of a radicalization of its authors, or even a lack of 8 compromise with the democratic regime. Therefore, along the research, we intended to present the role of the legislative power in the formulation, execution and legitimation process of the coup.