Durant plusieurs décennies, au sein de ce qui s'est appelé la « banlieue rouge », Ivry-sur-Seine faisait figure de « bastion » modèle pour le Parti Communiste Français. Le communisme municipal ivryen avait fait de ses cités ouvrières des espaces laboratoires au service d'un creuset d'affiliation sociopolitique particulièrement efficace. Jusqu'au tournant des années 1980, aux cités Maurice Thorez et Youri Gagarine, les résultats électoraux enregistrés par les différents représentants communistes en ont attesté. Avec la remise en cause du modèle de politisation fondé sur l'écosystème industriel, le renouvellement des générations pose avec acuité la question des conditions de reproduction d'une affiliation sociopolitique favorable aux représentants communistes. Une approche ethnographique sur la longue durée a permis de renseigner cette question. Depuis le milieu des années 1980, la trajectoire sociopolitique contrastée des deux quartiers atteste des ruptures infra-communales touchant ce type de territoire de la banlieue parisienne. Dans le quartier Youri Gagarine, la majorité des anciennes familles ouvrières a été remplacée par les nouveaux milieux populaires essentiellement composés de populations issues de l'immigration. Entretenant une historicité tout à fait différente à l'égard de l'étiquette « communiste(s)», les nouvelles générations participent, parfois activement, d'une contestation de l'ancienne autorité politique locale. À l'inverse, dans le quartier Maurice Thorez, situé au cœur du centre-ville, les descendants des familles ivryennes les plus proches de l'appareil partisan et/ou municipal ont maintenu résidence. Dans ce quartier, autour d'une endocratie politique locale, se maintiennent des liens communautaires fonctionnant de manière relativement indépendante de l'ancien encadrement partisan. Pour de nombreuses familles ivryennes appartenant à la classe moyenne, le maintien d'une certaine autorité communiste facilite leur accompagnement social, politique et électoral des métamorphoses contemporaines du communisme municipal. / For decades, Ivry-sur-Seine was seen as a model Communist stronghold within the Paris ‘Red Belt'. The particular brand of communism practiced by Ivry's municipal government had turned its working-class housing estates into laboratories directed towards the production of a singularly efficient political affiliation system. Until the watershed of the 1980s, electoral results for the various communist representatives in the Maurice Thorez and Yuri Gagarin housing estates seemed to corroborate this. The decline of the politicization model born of industrialization as well as the generation gap have radically undermined the conditions in which a socio-political affiliation system favourable to communist representatives can survive, however. The choice of a long-term ethnographic approach can give us insight into this phenomenon. Since the middle of the 1980s, the contrasting socio-political evolution of the Thorez and Gagarin allotments has testified to the intra-municipal disruption that affects this type of suburban Parisian territory. In the Yuri Gagarin area, the majority of older working-class families have been replaced with a new working-class population essentially stemming from immigration. Often unaware of the rich history of communism in their municipality, these new generations are sometimes actively involved in the challenging of the older local political authority. Downtown, on the contrary, the descendants of the families that were closest to the local party machine have maintained residency in the Maurice Thorez area. Community links have survived around a local political “endocracy” that works relatively independently from the older partisan frame. For many middle-class families living in Ivry, the maintenance of a certain communist authority makes it easier to accept the social, political, and electoral transformations of contemporary municipal communism.

Using secondary data from Pew's Early January 2004 Political Communications Study this thesis explains political identification, the range of media sources that a person uses, perceptions of political party bias and political participation using information about media use and perceptions of the media. The survey, which was conducted during the winter of 2003/2004, includes responses from 1506 individuals. Analytic techniques include means breakdowns, crosstabulations, correlations and multiple regression. Many associations are identified; however, in general, the media related variables were weakly related to dependent variables. The thesis speculates that the weak relationships can be attributed to a homogeneous range of available media content. Connections between the recent growth in the number of media sources and diversity in media content are discussed. The analysis finds that listening to talk radio, religious radio and watching the Fox News Channel were weakly associated with conservatism while use of non-profit media, including use of National Public Radio (NPR), the Cable-Satellite Public Affairs Network (C-SPAN) and the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) were weakly associated with liberalism. The thesis questions if the use of "sound bites" used on talk radio programs and some 24-hour television news channels is related to the conservatism of these audiences. A positive relationship between the amount of bias that a person sees in the news media and the range of news sources that a person uses was found. Sources include Internet, television and print media. The implications of these findings in the context of the agenda-setting framework and a homogenous media are discussed. Use of the Fox News Channel and talk radio were associated with perceptions of a Democratic Party bias in the news media. Ideas from Bourdieu and Passeron are used to understand how communication styles are related to the perception of talk radio as an alternative to the "liberal media". The implications of the prevalence of the perception of a "liberal media" are discussed and related to theoretical work from Gramsci and Abercrombie. Media that attempt to add diversity through new operational models are described. Associations between political participation and several types of media use were found. The finding that use of comedy television is related to some indicators of political participation is seen as demonstrating the difficulty in distinguishing information from entertainment-oriented programming. The analysis questions assumptions about the relationships between media use, electoral cynicism and political participation. The thesis argues that better tools from examining media use in general and in the Canadian context are needed.

Using secondary data from Pew's Early January 2004 Political Communications Study this thesis explains political identification, the range of media sources that a person uses, perceptions of political party bias and political participation using information about media use and perceptions of the media. The survey, which was conducted during the winter of 2003/2004, includes responses from 1506 individuals. Analytic techniques include means breakdowns, crosstabulations, correlations and multiple regression. Many associations are identified; however, in general, the media related variables were weakly related to dependent variables. The thesis speculates that the weak relationships can be attributed to a homogeneous range of available media content. Connections between the recent growth in the number of media sources and diversity in media content are discussed. The analysis finds that listening to talk radio, religious radio and watching the Fox News Channel were weakly associated with conservatism while use of non-profit media, including use of National Public Radio (NPR), the Cable-Satellite Public Affairs Network (C-SPAN) and the Public Broadcasting Service (PBS) were weakly associated with liberalism. The thesis questions if the use of "sound bites" used on talk radio programs and some 24-hour television news channels is related to the conservatism of these audiences. A positive relationship between the amount of bias that a person sees in the news media and the range of news sources that a person uses was found. Sources include Internet, television and print media. The implications of these findings in the context of the agenda-setting framework and a homogenous media are discussed. Use of the Fox News Channel and talk radio were associated with perceptions of a Democratic Party bias in the news media. Ideas from Bourdieu and Passeron are used to understand how communication styles are related to the perception of talk radio as an alternative to the "liberal media". The implications of the prevalence of the perception of a "liberal media" are discussed and related to theoretical work from Gramsci and Abercrombie. Media that attempt to add diversity through new operational models are described. Associations between political participation and several types of media use were found. The finding that use of comedy television is related to some indicators of political participation is seen as demonstrating the difficulty in distinguishing information from entertainment-oriented programming. The analysis questions assumptions about the relationships between media use, electoral cynicism and political participation. The thesis argues that better tools from examining media use in general and in the Canadian context are needed.

This study examines the politics of identification in antiracist struggles and asks how people begin and sustain social movement work across lines of difference. The project follows a series of activists and public intellectuals to sites of conflict in order to explore how actors confront failures in solidarity by summoning people to understand their freedom as bound to antiracist struggles. In work by James Baldwin from the 1960s and work by three contemporary social movement organizations—Black Lives Matter, antiracist LGBTQ organization Southerners on New Ground (SONG), and immigrant justice organization #Not1More—actors construct shared forms of identification across racial lines using kinship language and references to the body. Undergirding these rhetorical and organizing strategies is a concept—boundness—with a history in black political thought; a paradigm in which people’s lives are understood to be co-constituted and their freedom bound together. The first chapter traces the concept of boundness in James Baldwin’s political thought and explores how boundness offers an alternative and embodied way to theorize racial identity, racialized violence, and interracial solidarity. Chapter II examines interviews with James Baldwin in 1963 and #BlackLivesMatter activists in 2014-2015 to explore how their overlapping interventions reorient public discussions about racial violence. Chapters III and IV examine how contemporary activists in SONG and #Not1More generate shared forms of identification across racial lines. Drawing on archival research and ethnography, this study employs a close reading approach to specific moments in political discourse and organizing to theorize how people on the ground are crafting and contesting forms of identification. Ultimately, this project offers an account of the ways in which forms of political identification are structured by ethical and emotional orientations, and contends that contestations over these structures are a primary site of politics. This dissertation includes previously published material (Chapter I). / 10000-01-01

Despite the existence of multiple scales designed to measure authoritarianism as a personality trait, current research disagrees as to whether current measures reliably measure all three dimensions of authoritarianism: submission, aggression, and traditionalism. This study focused on the development of a new scale in response to methodological and validity concerns of previously-used measures. This new scale was found to be a reliable measure of authoritarian belief in two subsequent studies of college-aged adults. Factor analysis of responses to the items of the new measure also provided evidence of the multidimensionality of authoritarianism as a construct. Further, significant correlations were found between the Graham and Haidt’s Moral Foundations model and the dimensions of authoritarianism as measured by this scale. Analysis also revealed a significant relationship between authoritarianism and measures of social hierarchical belief, as well as salient political variables. These findings reaffirm current theoretical belief in the tridimensional model of authoritarianism and provide a new, reliable measure of the authoritarian personality. This has implications for the creation of a more productive dialogue between politically-divided groups, though further research is needed on the exact nature of authoritarianism itself.

Syftet med denna studie var att kartlägga skillnader mellan kvinnor och mäns politiskaställningstagande. Samt att undersöka om det skiljer sig i personlighetsdragen Openness ochConscientiouness, (the Big Five) mellan personer som studerar inom teknik eller humaniora. Även om personlighetsfaktorerna Openness och Conscientiousness har effekt på politiskidentifiering. Studien utgår från en kvantitativ metod vars data inhämtades i enenkätundersökning. Totalt deltog 110 personer vars deltagande efterfrågades inom olika utbildning och yrkesgrupper inom humanism och teknik på den sociala plattformen Facebook. Datan bearbetades i statistikprogrammet Jamovi, med två separata Anova och två chi2-test. Resultatet visade att det skiljer sig i politiskt ställningstagande män och kvinnor åt. Männen identifierade sig mer högerorienterat i jämförelse med kvinnorna, där majoriteten identifieradesig längre åt vänster. I studiens slutsatser kunde vi även finna att humaniora studenter definierarsig själva som mer åt vänster jämfört med teknikstudenter. Utifrån studiens resultat blev det även möjligt att dra slutsatsen att kvinnor i majoritet tycks dominera den humanistiskautbildningen, samt män med mer dominans mot det tekniska. Det finns tendenser att personligaegenskaper från the Big Five, som Openness och Conscientiousness, bidrar till individensyrkesval och politiska identifiering. Ett större urval hade kunnat kartlägga deltagarnaspersonlighetsskillnader och möjliggjort ett större sambandsdragande, mellan politiskidentifikation och deras personlighetsdrag. Nycklelord: the Big Five, (femfaktorsmodellen), politisk tillhörighet, humonoria, teknik, psykologi. / This study examines the differences between men and women’s political standpoint aiming todefine the possible personality distinctness between students of humanities and students of natural science (according to the big five). The study focused on analyzing the possibility of differences in openness and conscientiousness, between students of humanities and natural-sciences, but also if the level of conscientiousness and openness contributes to the individual politicial standpoint. The study proceeds from a quantitative method in which substances were gathered by survey. A total of 110 persons participated whose participation was gathered fromdifferent educational and occupation groups in humaniora and natural sciences on the socialplatform Facebook. The data was later arranged and adapted in the analysis program Jamovi.The chosen method was to analyze the data in Anova analysis and two separate chi-square tests.mOur study revealed a difference between the political standpoint between women and men. The men who participated indicated a higher right-wing dominated political standpoint, compared to women who defined themselves as more left-wing orientated. It was also possible to drawthe conclusion that students in humaniora defined themselves as less right-wing dominated compared to students in natural sciences. After operating the study and the data, this material made it possible to draw the conclusion that women tend to dominate humanistic education. According to the study, men seem to be the more common gender in education of natural-sciences. There are trends suggesting that personal traits such as openness and conscientiousness contribute to the individual occupation choice and political standpoint. If thestudy had included a bigger sample, this could have made it possible to draw a more firmconclusion between political standpoint and the individuals’ personal capacities. Key words: the Big Five, political identification, humaniora, natural sciences, psychology.

Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-02-21T11:30:52Z No. of bitstreams: 1 franciscoangelobrinati.pdf: 27717124 bytes, checksum: 6122300c2483bab55e21cdbb535cf1e9 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-02-21T13:55:52Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 franciscoangelobrinati.pdf: 27717124 bytes, checksum: 6122300c2483bab55e21cdbb535cf1e9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-21T13:55:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 franciscoangelobrinati.pdf: 27717124 bytes, checksum: 6122300c2483bab55e21cdbb535cf1e9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-01-29 / O trabalho, um estudo sobre a interface mídia-política, tem como objetivo principal analisar como os discursos adotados pelos dois principais jornais impressos diários de Juiz de Fora-MG ajudaram na delimitação da imagem do político Carlos Alberto Bejani - o que permitiu sua identificação com específicas parcelas do eleitorado juizforano - entre os anos de eleições municipais compreendidos entre 1988 e 2004. Pretende-se também avaliar como as coberturas das duas prisões do político pela Polícia Federal, em 2008 (por envolvimento em esquemas de corrupção de desvio de dinheiro público) e sua posterior renúncia ao cargo de prefeito representaram alterações na construção de sua persona pública. Objetiva-se discutir o fenômeno da personalização política, num contexto de centralidade dos meios de comunicação de massa na construção dos processos de identificação eleitoral. / This dissertation, a study on the media-politics interface, aims to analyze how the discourses adopted by two major daily newspapers printed in Juiz de Fora-MG helped to define the image of politician Carlos Alberto Bejani - allowing his identification with specific portions of the electorate from Juiz de Fora - among the years of municipal elections from 1988 to 2004. Another aim is to assess how the coverage of the two arrests of the politician by the Federal Police in 2008 (for involvement in corruption schemes of misuse of public money) and his subsequent resignation as mayor represented changes in the construction of his public persona. Our goal is to discuss the phenomenon of political personalization in a context of centralization of the mass media in the construction of processes of electoral identification.