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Servant de titre à notre travail, la distance entre Reims, terre de sacre royal, et Varennes, village où Louis XVI et sa famille ont été pris en flagrant délit de fuite, est une métaphore de l’érosion du langage de l’autorité politique (notamment, le droit divin des rois) au cours du XVIIIe siècle et de la concurrence entre les discours de résistance aux autorités traditionnelles et ceux qui proposèrent un nouvel ordre politique sur la base des fondements théoriques et abstraits de la France du dix-septième siècle (le constitutionnalisme, le contractualisme, entre autres discours). Nous mettons en lumière pamphlets, brochures, actes parlementaires et documents administratifs et de gouvernement, écrits à l’occasion du sacre et du procès engendré par la fuite du Roi, ceux-ci n’étant pas à strictement parler, des œuvres classiques de la théorie politique. Toutefois, systématiquement analysées sans omettre de les articuler aux travaux de philosophie politique de l’époque largement connus, de telles sources permettent d’observer la dynamique de l’autorité politique, tout comme les disputes relatives à la définition de la nature et aux limites du (corps) souverain, portées par différents langages politiques de l’histoire. En réalité, dans la présente recherche, l’autorité politique est, pour paraphraser John Pocock, une activité discursivement constituée. Loin d’affirmer que de tels discours auraient été intronisés seulement au moment de la rupture, c’est-à-dire pendant les évènements qui marquèrent la Révolution Française de 1789, dans notre travail nous soutenons qu’au regard des écrits des auteurs analysés, les langages politiques gardent une forte ressemblance avec ceux qui étaient déjà en circulation et avaient pour but de contester l’ordre en vigueur, utilisés au cours des décennies antérieures à la période révolutionnaire, dès l’Ancien Régime. En réalité, notre hypothèse interprétative indique autant les effets de la rupture qu’une certaine continuité des langages dans un contexte particulier de l’histoire. / Providing the title of our thesis, it is the distance from Rheims to Varennes (the first being the land of the royal consecration and the last the place where Louis XVI and his family were caught fleeing), that provides the metaphor both for the erosion of the language of political authority (especially, the king’s divine right) during the 18th century and for the competition between political discourses of resistance to traditional authorities and those which proposed a new political order, based on theoretical and abstract foundations (notably the constitutionalism, the contractualism, among other discourses). We want to analyse the dynamics of political authority in that period by shedding some light on pamphlets, brochures, parliamentary minutes and administrative documents written during the consecration and the process engendered by the royal flight. Even though such documents may not be considered canonical works in political theory, closer analysis and their articulation with the philosophical works of that period allow us to observe the disputes over the definition of the nature and the limits of the sovereign’s body based on political languages of history. Indeed, this research takes political authority as a discursively constituted activity, to paraphrase John Pocock. Far from arguing that such discourses would have been constituted only at the moment of rupture, during the noticeable events of the French Revolution, in 1789, In this work we sought to sustain that the political languages coming from the pen of our authors keep a strong resemblance to those already in circulation and contesting that current order. In fact, this repertory was forged in the decades before the revolutionary period – specifically during the last ordination of the Ancien Régime, in Rheims. Accordingly, the thesis' interpretative hypothesis takes into account both the effects of rupture and the continuity in certain languages that held the legitimate political authority in a particular context in history.

Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2016-08-19T14:49:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 fernandachavesgherardi.pdf: 1126882 bytes, checksum: a26b1c6170e5cd991e24b5b84a52e808 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-08-19T15:02:33Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 fernandachavesgherardi.pdf: 1126882 bytes, checksum: a26b1c6170e5cd991e24b5b84a52e808 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-19T15:02:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 fernandachavesgherardi.pdf: 1126882 bytes, checksum: a26b1c6170e5cd991e24b5b84a52e808 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-12-06 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A presente dissertação – A construção das identidades políticas em Minas Gerais (1834 - 1844) – tem por objetivo central analisar as diferentes identidades políticas que se constituíram nesta província, em contexto significativo para a compreensão do processo de construção do Estado nacional brasileiro. A partir das contribuições recentes da historiografia, que busca apreender a constituição dos grupos políticos, nossa atenção será voltada às linguagens políticas adotadas e às construções imagéticas que separavam os grupos. Para dar conta destes objetivos, serão examinados os discursos políticos produzidos pelos agentes históricos em correspondências, impressos, folhetos, memórias e, sobretudo, periódicos. As imagens simbólicas construídas em torno dos grupos envolvidos nas disputas políticas serão analisadas visando entender quais as imagens identitárias aparecem. Levaremos em conta quem proferiu o discurso e para quem se manifestou, buscando perceber como se identificou, como denominou seus rivais e em que ponto e em quais circunstâncias no tempo proferiu o “ato de fala”. / This work – The construction of political identities in Minas Gerais (1834 - 1844) – aims at analyzing the different political identities which were constructed in this county, within a meaningful context to support the understanding of the national Brazilian State construction. From the recent contributions of historiography, which tries to get the constitution of the political parties, this work focuses on the political languages adopted as well as on the image constructions which distinguish the groups. To reach these objectives, the political speeches produced by the historical actors are examined through the analysis of mails, folders, memories and journals. The symbolical images constructed around the groups and the actors involved in the political disputes are observed as a means to understand the identities images which arise from them. In this perspective, it is regarded both who made the speech and the public it was directed to, trying to make clear the way it is identified, the way the rivals were addressed and in which time dot and under which temporal circumstances the given speech was used.

[pt] Este trabalho tem por objetivo refletir acerca de que forma a idéia ou o conceito de legalidade transitou pelo ambiente político do período da experiência democrática brasileira do Pós-II Guerra Mundial. Naquele momento, estar ao lado da legalidade se constituiu em um elemento fundamental do discurso de grupos políticos diversos e com propostas e soluções opostas. No período posterior ao suicídio do presidente Getúlio Vargas, particularmente durante os episódios da intervenção político-militar de novembro de 1955, da crise da renúncia de Jânio Quadros e solução parlamentarista de 1961 e do golpe de 1964, as discussões em torno da legalidade assumiram o primeiro plano. Desta forma, a conquista do argumento da legalidade, para além das conspirações, ameaças e repressões, mostrou-se primordial para o desfecho dos acontecimentos. Este trabalho busca, através da análise dos usos, significados e interpretações expressos pelos editoriais dos jornais Correio da Manhã, Diário de Notícias, Tribuna da Imprensa e Última Hora, da cidade do Rio de Janeiro, afirmar que a necessidade de se manter o país sob a proteção da legalidade norteou a ação dos formadores de opinião da sociedade brasileira, fossem eles militares ou civis. Qualquer ação que não procurasse se sustentar sob o guarda-chuva da legalidade enfrentaria fortes resistências nos mais diversos setores da sociedade. Esta, mesmo sofrendo ressiginificações, se manteve sempre presente no discurso dos atores políticos envolvidos nestes episódios. / [en] This work has the objective to reflect about the ways that the idea or the concept of legality transited by the political environment of Brazilian democratic experience during the period Post-II World War. In that moment, being on the legality side constituted in a fundamental element in the speeches from a diversity of political groups and with opposite proposals and solutions. In the period after the suicide of president Getúlio Vargas, particularly during the episodes of the political-military intervention in November of 1955, the crisis of Jânio Quadros resignation and the parliamentary solution of 1961, and the coup of 1964, the discussions about legality became a priority. This way, the use of the legality argument, beyond the conspirations, threats and repressions, was shown primordial to the happenings outcome. This work seeks, throughout the analysis of the uses, meanings and interpretations expressed by editorials from the newspapers Correio da Manhã, Diário de Notícias, Tribuna da Imprensa e Última Hora, from the city of Rio de Janeiro, to affirm that the need to maintain the country under the protection of legality guided the actions of opinion formers from Brazilian society, military and civil. Any action that wasn t supported by the protection of legality would face strong resistance in the most diverse sectors of society. The concept of legality went through re-significations, but was always present in the speech of political actors involved in these episodes.