This thesis examines the case of civil marriage in Lebanon as an example of the contestation of sectarian identities and a political system. Sectarianism in Lebanon and in the Middle East has become not only a seemingly naturally-produced social categorisation, but also the hegemonic epistemological concept through which every social and political act is interpreted. In contrast to this, the Lebanese civil married spouses interviewed in this thesis, challenge sectarian practices and discourse. I examined the context and identities civil married spouses practice. I conclude that certain sites of resistance favour the emergence of civil marriage, where individuals perform alternative practices and political identities. Practices of resistance may cycically trigger the emergence of other pockets of resistance where contestation happens. Nonetheless, as ethnographic research shows, isolated cases of civil marriage happen in many different contexts and circumstances. This research also investigates the limits of civil marriage as acts of social change. I have identified intention and consciousness as key drive which allow political acts to become transformative of power. Indeed, spouses that exhibited high levels of political consciousness identified at the same time sectarianism as an oppressive system to which they intended to subvert with their act of civil marriage. Further, politically-conscious-civilly married spouses demonstrated intersectional subversion not only to sectarianism, but also to other oppressing systems such as patriarchy, kinship or social classes. Ultimately, they contested sectarianism in a non-excluive fashion when it came to their choice of marriage. Finally, resistance, as a reflection of power, is never pure. That is, even self-conscious and self-reflexive individuals that contest sectarianism or other systems of powers do it while embedded in the same structures of power. Confronting one form of power in one context does not mean that they will confront the same form of power in another context.

Ce travail est consacré à la résurgence du socialisme dans la Russie post-soviétique de 2008 à 2017 à travers le prisme des nouvelles technologies de l’information et de la communication. Il se présente sous la forme d’une chorographie réticulaire des communautés virtuelles socialistes disséminées à l’intérieur du segment russe de l’Internet et d’une typologie politique comprenant 66 organisations partisanes emblématiques de la complexité et de la diversité de ce champ politique. Pour ce faire, nous avons examiné les conditions du renouveau du socialisme en Russie depuis l’éclatement de la crise bancaire et financière mondiale de 2008 (néolibéralisme, globalisation, démocratie de marché). Cette période coïncidant également avec l’arrivée au pouvoir de Dmitrij Medvedev, porté par une politique de modernisation, nous avons observé que ce phénomène allait de pair avec le développement de nouveaux outils multimédias permettant aux militants et sympathisants socialistes de reprendre le contrôle de leurs narrations et de se définir de façon autonome à partir des territoires informationnels qu’ils occupent dans le cyberespace. Enfin, nous avons vu que les lignes de fracture inhérentes au socialisme russe étaient en train d’évoluer consécutivement à la transition vers la postmodernité, de sorte que de nouveaux clivages et de nouvelles configurations identitaires sont en train d’apparaître en son sein. Ces antagonismes affleurant par la pratique de la communication politique en ligne jusque dans les utilisations que les socialistes font de la musique, nous avons souligné que ceux-ci participent de manière polémologique à la production de visions alternatives de la réalité. / This work deals with the resurgence of socialism in post-Soviet Russia from 2008 to 2017 through the lens of new information and communication technologies. It is composed of a reticular chorography showing the socialists virtual communities spread in the Russian segment of the Internet and a political typology including 66 partisan organizations all representative of this political field’s complexity and diversity. With this aim in mind, we studied the conditions of the revival of socialism in contemporary Russia since the financial and economic crisis of 2008 (neoliberalism, globalization, market democracy). This period coinciding with the accession of Dmitrij Medvedev to the presidency through a project of political and social modernization, we observed that this phenomenon was going in hand with the development of new multimedia tools allowing the socialist activists and their sympathizers to take back the control of their narratives in the informational territories they occupy in the cyberspace. Finally, we observed that the fracture lines inherent to the Russian socialism were on the verge of changing due to the transition to postmodernity because new ideological splits and new political identities are now emerging in these territories. The given narrative antagonisms being emphasized by the practice of online political communication (including the uses Russian socialists make of music in their virtual communities), we point out that they actually contribute to the production of alternative visions of reality in a polemological way.

Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2016-08-19T14:49:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 fernandachavesgherardi.pdf: 1126882 bytes, checksum: a26b1c6170e5cd991e24b5b84a52e808 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-08-19T15:02:33Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 fernandachavesgherardi.pdf: 1126882 bytes, checksum: a26b1c6170e5cd991e24b5b84a52e808 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-19T15:02:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 fernandachavesgherardi.pdf: 1126882 bytes, checksum: a26b1c6170e5cd991e24b5b84a52e808 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-12-06 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A presente dissertação – A construção das identidades políticas em Minas Gerais (1834 - 1844) – tem por objetivo central analisar as diferentes identidades políticas que se constituíram nesta província, em contexto significativo para a compreensão do processo de construção do Estado nacional brasileiro. A partir das contribuições recentes da historiografia, que busca apreender a constituição dos grupos políticos, nossa atenção será voltada às linguagens políticas adotadas e às construções imagéticas que separavam os grupos. Para dar conta destes objetivos, serão examinados os discursos políticos produzidos pelos agentes históricos em correspondências, impressos, folhetos, memórias e, sobretudo, periódicos. As imagens simbólicas construídas em torno dos grupos envolvidos nas disputas políticas serão analisadas visando entender quais as imagens identitárias aparecem. Levaremos em conta quem proferiu o discurso e para quem se manifestou, buscando perceber como se identificou, como denominou seus rivais e em que ponto e em quais circunstâncias no tempo proferiu o “ato de fala”. / This work – The construction of political identities in Minas Gerais (1834 - 1844) – aims at analyzing the different political identities which were constructed in this county, within a meaningful context to support the understanding of the national Brazilian State construction. From the recent contributions of historiography, which tries to get the constitution of the political parties, this work focuses on the political languages adopted as well as on the image constructions which distinguish the groups. To reach these objectives, the political speeches produced by the historical actors are examined through the analysis of mails, folders, memories and journals. The symbolical images constructed around the groups and the actors involved in the political disputes are observed as a means to understand the identities images which arise from them. In this perspective, it is regarded both who made the speech and the public it was directed to, trying to make clear the way it is identified, the way the rivals were addressed and in which time dot and under which temporal circumstances the given speech was used.

Cette thèse de doctorat étudie les formes et les modes d’expression, de représentation et de structuration des identités politiques dans la presse écrite lors de la « révolution orange » (Ukraine, 2004). En nous situant dans une perspective interdisciplinaire et en articulant l’analyse du discours et l’analyse sémiotique, nous étudions les représentations, à la fois esthétiques et discursives, que les identités permettent et la manière dont la signification leur est attribuée, acceptée ou refusée dans les discours et les images des médias. Le corpus étant constitué de quatre journaux ukrainiens (Den, Zerkalo nedeli, Segodnya et Fakty i kommentarii) et de quatre journaux français (Le Monde, Libération, Le Figaro et L’Humanité). La thèse parvient à démontrer que les identités politiques se constituent dans les médias à travers trois modes d’énonciation : intertextualité politique, intericonicité politique et interévénementialité politique. La logique des médias est alors moins d’informer des événements qui ont lieu mais d’assurer par la médiation de l’information et de l’opinion la reconnaissance de notre appartenance et de notre sociabilité. / This PhD thesis explores the forms and the modes of expression, representation and construction of political identities in the press during the “Orange Revolution” (Ukraine, 2004). Through the interdisciplinary approach and bringing semiotic and discourse analysis together, this dissertation analyzes both aesthetic and discursive representations of identities and the manner in which the meaning is assigned, accepted or refused to them in discourses and images. The data consist of four Ukrainian newspapers (Den, Zerkalo nedeli, Segodnya and Fakty i kommentarii) and four French newspapers (Le Monde, Libération, Le Figaro and L’Humanité). My findings support arguments that political identities are mainly constructed in media through three types of enunciation: political intertextuality, political intericonicity and political intereventness. Therefore, the logic of the media is less to inform of events taking place but to ensure through the mediation of information and opinion the recognition of our identity and of our sociability.

1900-talets början var en tid med olika arbetsmarknadskonflikter. Det förekom strejker, demonstrationer, kravaller och agitationsmöten. Dessa konflikter utspelade sig i ett samhälle där arbetarrörelsen började organisera sig alltmer i fackföreningar och i arbetarkommuner för att få politiskt inflytande och inflytande över sin arbetssituation. Det gjorde att arbetarrörelsen hamnade i sociala konfrontationer med omgivning, myndigheter och arbetsgivare. Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka kopplingen mellan klassformering i ett identitetsperspektiv och framväxten av konfliktrepertoarer i det tidiga 1900-talets fackliga organisationssträvanden. Frågeställningarna utgår från att identifiera konfliktrepertoarer i sociala konfrontationer och vilka av dessa som används för att skapa klassamhörighet i olika sociala, fackliga och politiska sammanhang. För att studera sociala konfrontationer, konfliktrepertoarer och identitetsskapande inom arbetarrörelsen har källmaterial efter fackföreningar vid Bergslagernas järnvägar i Åmål använts. Uppsatsen är ett bidrag till arbetarhistoria och källmaterialet undersöks utifrån teorin i forskningsfältet Contentious Politics Studies. Uppsatsen har även en ikonografisk ansats eftersom källmaterialet innehåller visuella uttryck. I undersökningen har fyra olika sociala konfrontationer identifierats. Dessa är: Agitation och politisk mobilisering 1908 - 1911, Oskar Lundströms avskedande 1909, Lokmannastrejken 1919 och Den stora järnvägsstrejken 1922. Ett antal konfliktrepertoarer identifieras och uppsatsens resultat är att konfliktrepertoarerna utvecklas och förfinas över tid. Kraven blir mer tydligt formulerade och handlingar tillsammans med visuell kultur stärker den politiska identiteten. Konfliktrepertoarer, handlingar och identiteter blir därigenom meningsskapande i klassformeringen. / The beginning of the 20th century was a time of various labor market conflicts. There were strikes, demonstrations, riots and agitation meetings. These conflicts took place in a society where the labor movement began to organize itself in trade unions in order to gain political influence and influence over their work situation. As a result, the labor movement ended up in confrontations with the environment, authorities and employers. The main purpose of the essay is to investigate the connection between class affiliation in an identity perspective and the emergence of contentious repertoires in the early 20th century trade union organizational efforts. The essay is based on theories of Contentious Politics Studies. The investigated material is archives of trade unions at Bergslagernas railways in Åmål. Four different contentious politics have been identified. These are: 1. Agitation and political mobilization 1908 - 1911, 2. Oskar Lundström's dismissal 1909, 2. The engine driver strike in 1919 and 4. The great railway strike in 1922. The result of the essay is that the contentious repertoires are developed and refined over time. The claim making are more clearly formulated and contentious performances together with visual culture strengthen the political identity. Contentious repertoires, contentious performances and political identities thereby create meaning in class affiliation.