<p>The purpose of the essay is to investigate whether the principles formulated by Peter Ackerman and Christopher Kruegler, concerning strategic non-violent conflicts, can serve a purpose when analyzing improvised non-violent conflicts. The principles are derived from factors that have been prominent in earlier successful improvised non-violent conflicts.</p><p>The essay is based on two research questions; if the factors included in the principles formulated by Ackerman and Kruegler, exist in the two cases that this study investigates, and if those principles offer a satisfactory explanation for the outcome of an improvised non-violent conflict.</p><p>To answer the questions the study uses a comparative method, where the improvised non-violent conflict of 2004 in Ukraine is compared to the improvised non-violent conflict of 1988 in Burma.</p><p>The answer to the first question shows that the factors contained in the principles previously mentioned, exists in both cases. The answer to the second question is more uncertain, as there seems to be doubts on whether the case of Ukraine really was completely improvised. Another reason for caution is that the factors contained in the principles, only consider actions made by non-violent actors, and not by opponents or third parties. Thus the risks of missing vital explanatory factors are substantial.</p>

This thesis explores the autonomy of the Crimean region in Ukraine in terms of its impact on Ukraine&rsquo / s relations with Russia in the post-Soviet era. Thesis analyzes also the impact of the relations between Ukraine and Russia on the autonomy of the Crimean region. Contrary to the views that consider the Crimean autonomy as a product of the ethno-territorial relations between the Crimea which is populated by mainly ethnic Russians and Kiev, thesis argues that the interstate relations between Ukraine and Russia have played a crucial role in the evolution of the autonomy of the Crimean region within Ukraine. Thesis is composed of six chapters. Following the introductory First Chapter, the Second Chapter examines the origins of the Crimean autonomy. The Third Chapter examines the Crimean Autonomous Region during the post-Soviet period until the signing of the Friendship Treaty between Ukraine and Russia in 1997. The Fourth Chapter explores the period between 1997 and 2004. The Fifth Chapter analyses the period in the aftermath of the Orange revolution in 2004. The Last Chapter is the Conclusion.

The aim of this thesis is to analyze Ukrainian foreign policy and its domestic sources since 1991, with a focus on the post-Orange Revolution era. The thesis argues that contrary to neo-realist approaches to the study of Ukrainian foreign policy, in the final analysis, it is Ukraine&#039 / s domestic factors which determines the direction of Ukrainian foreign policy in the post-Soviet era. This thesis demonstrates that the existing neo-realist studies of Ukrainian foreign policy exaggerates the role of external factors and neglects the crucial role of domestic factors in Ukrainian foreign policy. The thesis begins with an introduction, which is followed by the second chapter on the interaction between domestic and external factors in Ukrainian foreign policy in the pre-Orange Revolution era. The third chapter examines the characteristics of Ukrainian foreign policy in the post-Orange Revolution era. The following four chapters discuss the impact of political, economic and cultural factors on Ukrainian foreign policy as well as the Crimean question. Finally the last chapter will be the conclusion of this thesis.

The following dissertation looked at the problem of Polish foreign policy towards Ukraine between the Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan crisis, as it was expressed in the political rhetoric. Importantly the work drew on the tradition of the Polish émigré journal Kultura and the rich historical background of the Polish-Ukrainian relations. This was done in order to prove the hypothesis that although the recent strategy towards Ukraine borrows from the historical concepts, it does so incoherently. In essence, Polish authorities today prefer to design their own strategy, while references to the Kultura review serve as a bridge to keep a consistent image about Polish Eastern Policy. What has been also discussed was the division between the so-called romantic and pragmatic approach towards Polish Eastern Policy. The dissertation demonstrates that in general the labels are used rather mechanically. As such, it is often difficult to draw the line between romantics and pragmatics among Polish political class. The research was conducted with the use of qualitative content analysis methodology and supported by the constructivist theory. Its results are presented in a form of a set of categories that correspond to the main themes, which have been observed throughout the collected textual material. A...

This thesis seeks to examine the post-Soviet political transformation in Ukraine between 1991 and 2004. Since Ukraine declared independence in 1991, the problems of political transformation to democracy in Ukraine have affected the outbreak of the Orange Revolution. The thesis attempts to examine the problems of post-Soviet political transformation in Ukraine under Leonid Kravchuk and Leonid Kuchma in order to analyse the dynamics of the Orange Revolution in 2004. The dynamics of the Orange Revolution are in part a result of the mass movements against the ongoing problems of the post-Soviet political transformation to democracy in Ukraine. This thesis also argues that the Orange Revolution does not indicate the conclusion of the political transformation in Ukraine, since the problems of the political transformation in Ukraine still remain as it has been seen in the short-term evolution of the political progress of Viktor Yushchenko, who elected to the presidency in the 2004 presidential elections.

本論文命題中心是：藉由地緣政治、政治文化及政治菁英的研究角度來探討形成與爆發烏克蘭橙色革命的重要因素？ 首先、本論文選擇由地緣政治的角度來檢視烏克蘭橙色革命國際層次的影響要件，並試圖說明：第一、美國在蘇聯解體後，對於獨立國協區域的權力競逐並未鬆懈。第二、俄羅斯儘管專注致力於本國經濟的發展，但與美國在烏克蘭的權力競逐，在2004年大選中顯示出俄國不計手段也要獲取勝利。第三、歐盟在地緣與烏克蘭有著實質經貿的互動利益，對於權力的競逐，歐盟希望烏克蘭是一個遵守民主國家遊戲規則的朋友。而此三項國際競逐形成橙色革命的爆發背景之一。 其次、本論文也從政治文化的角度來探討烏克蘭東西部歷史文化的發展差異對於政治參與的影響。期望可以印證烏克蘭在蘇聯解體後，國民對於國家認同的提高對於選情的影響以及與橙色革命的因果關係。 最後、本論文以政治菁英的研究角度來觀察烏克蘭大選中菁英們對於權力的競逐。本章節選擇從庫奇馬執政時期開始說明烏克蘭政治菁英彼此的政治恩怨鬥爭，並藉由該研究得到影響橙色革命的關連要件。 所以本論文認為，烏克蘭橙色革命絕不僅僅只是一場人民對選舉舞弊不滿所造成的革命運動。橙色革命背後確實隱含著來自國際、國內與政治決策著的權力競逐關係。 / This study attempts to examine the important elements behind Ukraine's Orange Revolution from three dimensions: geopolitics, political culture, and political elites. From the perspective of geopolitics, this thesis discusses three international actors that effect the outbreak of Orange Revolution in Ukraine. First, after the disintegration of Soviet Union, the United States endeavors to extend his own power to the area of C.I.S. The U.S., therefore, wants to influence on 2004 Ukrainian Presidential Election. Second, though Russia concentrates on economic development, Russia never loosens its grip on C.I.S. The 2004 Ukrainian Presidential Election in Ukraine gives Russia a chance to expel American influence from Ukraine. Third, the European Union and Ukraine have commercial interests. The EU countries hope that Ukraine will transform into a truly democratic country, so they will make an influence on 2004 Ukrainian Presidential Election. From the perspective of political culture, this study discusses how the historically developmental differences between western and eastern parts of Ukraine influence national identification and the electoral votes. From the perspective of political elites, this study discusses the power struggle among political elites from Kuchima period to 2004 presidential election and its impact on the outbreak of Orange Revolution. In conclusion, this study reveals that besides the people’s expectation for democracy, the Orange Revolution implies reasons from international power politics, national identification and the Ukrainian elite’s competitions for political power. / В 2004 году на Украине произошла Оранжевая Революция. Это событие произошло не только из-за коррупции во время выборов президента. Еще другие важные причины повлияли на это. В этой статье представлены три точки зрения на геополитику, политическую культуру и элиту Украинской Оранжевой Революции. Статья делится на три части. Во-первых, после распада Советского Союза в пространстве СНГ существует пустота влияния сегодняшней России. Эта ситуация соответствует американским интересам и позволяет США воздействовать на СНГ. Украинские президентские выборы были шансом для США увеличить влияние на Украину (одна большая страна СНГ). Хотя за последние годы Россия старается увеличить своё экономическое развитие и получает большое достижение, влияние России на страны СНГ продолжает снижаться. Давно Россия считает Украину частью России. И не может терпеть Америку, которая вносит её влияние в СНГ, в частности на Украину. Украинские президентские выборы были конкуренцией с Америкой. Страны СНГ- это соседние государства ЕС. Между ЕС и странами СНГ существуют реальные торговые отношения, представляющие большие интересы. Страны ЕС хотят, чтобы Украина была настоящей демократической страной, как европейские страны. И так, они склоняются на сторону США. Во-вторых, на Украине между западом и востоком существует своя история. Люди на востоке склоняются на сторону России, а на западе - считают себя частью Европейских стран. Разница выражается в различных национальных выражениях. По сей день, через 13 лет после распада СССР, в Украине сформировалась национальная самоидентификация. Граждане постепенно считают себя украинцами, а не русскими. В президентских выборах 2004 года поддержка России Виктора Януковича утратила силу, и коррупция на выборах вызвала споры и революцию. Кроме того, Оранжевая Революция – это результат борьбы политических элит времен правления Кучмы и выборной кампании 2004 года. Итак, можно сделать вывод, что Оранжевая Революция произошла не случайно, так как давно существовали проблемы во внешней и внутренней политике. Ключевые слова: США, Россия, ЕС, геополитика, политическая культура, украинские президентские выборы, Оранжевая Революция, Кучма

The purpose of the essay is to investigate whether the principles formulated by Peter Ackerman and Christopher Kruegler, concerning strategic non-violent conflicts, can serve a purpose when analyzing improvised non-violent conflicts. The principles are derived from factors that have been prominent in earlier successful improvised non-violent conflicts. The essay is based on two research questions; if the factors included in the principles formulated by Ackerman and Kruegler, exist in the two cases that this study investigates, and if those principles offer a satisfactory explanation for the outcome of an improvised non-violent conflict. To answer the questions the study uses a comparative method, where the improvised non-violent conflict of 2004 in Ukraine is compared to the improvised non-violent conflict of 1988 in Burma. The answer to the first question shows that the factors contained in the principles previously mentioned, exists in both cases. The answer to the second question is more uncertain, as there seems to be doubts on whether the case of Ukraine really was completely improvised. Another reason for caution is that the factors contained in the principles, only consider actions made by non-violent actors, and not by opponents or third parties. Thus the risks of missing vital explanatory factors are substantial.

Cette thèse de doctorat étudie les formes et les modes d’expression, de représentation et de structuration des identités politiques dans la presse écrite lors de la « révolution orange » (Ukraine, 2004). En nous situant dans une perspective interdisciplinaire et en articulant l’analyse du discours et l’analyse sémiotique, nous étudions les représentations, à la fois esthétiques et discursives, que les identités permettent et la manière dont la signification leur est attribuée, acceptée ou refusée dans les discours et les images des médias. Le corpus étant constitué de quatre journaux ukrainiens (Den, Zerkalo nedeli, Segodnya et Fakty i kommentarii) et de quatre journaux français (Le Monde, Libération, Le Figaro et L’Humanité). La thèse parvient à démontrer que les identités politiques se constituent dans les médias à travers trois modes d’énonciation : intertextualité politique, intericonicité politique et interévénementialité politique. La logique des médias est alors moins d’informer des événements qui ont lieu mais d’assurer par la médiation de l’information et de l’opinion la reconnaissance de notre appartenance et de notre sociabilité. / This PhD thesis explores the forms and the modes of expression, representation and construction of political identities in the press during the “Orange Revolution” (Ukraine, 2004). Through the interdisciplinary approach and bringing semiotic and discourse analysis together, this dissertation analyzes both aesthetic and discursive representations of identities and the manner in which the meaning is assigned, accepted or refused to them in discourses and images. The data consist of four Ukrainian newspapers (Den, Zerkalo nedeli, Segodnya and Fakty i kommentarii) and four French newspapers (Le Monde, Libération, Le Figaro and L’Humanité). My findings support arguments that political identities are mainly constructed in media through three types of enunciation: political intertextuality, political intericonicity and political intereventness. Therefore, the logic of the media is less to inform of events taking place but to ensure through the mediation of information and opinion the recognition of our identity and of our sociability.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ukrainian society faced a new reality. The new reality involved consolidation and transformation of collective identities. The reinvigoration of national identity led to a change in the emphasis on how the past was dealt with – many things which were regarded as negative by the Soviet regime became presented as positive in independent Ukraine. The war-time nationalist movement, represented by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), became one of the re-configured themes of history. While most of the studies of memory of the OUN and UPA concentrated on the use of the history of the OUN and UPA by nationalist parties, this study goes beyond the analysis of such use of history and scrutinizes the meaning of this history in nation- and state-building processes in relation to memory work realized on the small-scale regional and local levels with the main focus on Rivne and Rivne oblast’. Moreover, this book focusses not only on the “producers” of memory, but also on the “consumers” of memory, the area which is largely understudied in the field of memory studies. In the book the main emphasis is put on monuments which are regarded as catalysts and symptoms of memory. The present study showed that the OUN and UPA are used more as the metaphors of the anti-Soviet and anti-communist struggle for independence than as historical entities. This past is largely mythologized. Functioning as a myth the memory of the OUN and UPA obliterates difficult knowledge that the historical research reveals on the questionable activities and ideology of those organizations. As a result, the past of the OUN and UPA is re-imagined, re-filled with new meanings so that it is used along even with the democratic and pro-European claims in the present. It was especially well-observed during the Orange Revolution in 2004 and during the Euromaidan in 2013-2014, when the European Union’s flags were seen next to the OUN’s red-and-black flags or when the pro-European slogans were proclaimed alongside the OUN and UPA slogans. At the same time, the results demonstrated an intricate complexity of memory work shaped by intensive dynamics of private and public, grassroots and official, local and national encounters. Although there have been attempts made by political actors to draw a direct link between the national identity, political allegiances and proposed heroic version of memory, the study showed, that such attempts did not really work. In the pluralistic context the meanings are too fluid and adherence to one version of history does not preclude adherences to other versions of history which are presented as diametrically opposite in the political sphere. As result, on the recipients’ grassroots level, the memory reveals its amalgamated characteristics. Drawing on studies about post-colonial subjectivities and theories of remediation developed in memory studies, this book explores the changes in memory culture of contemporary Ukraine and examines the role of memory in producing new meanings under the rapidly changing conditions after the collapse of the Soviet Union up to 2014. The book contributes to the studies of memory culture in post-Communist countries as well as to the studies of society in contemporary Ukraine.