The 2013–2014 Revolution of Dignity in the capital city of Kyiv was an overwhelming popular demonstration of the Ukrainian public’s desire for a western-oriented, democratic, and European future for Ukraine and its rejection of the Russian-oriented loyalties that have troubled the country since gaining independence in 1991. The western choice embodied by the revolution—which resulted in violent deaths, countless injuries, and the overthrow of the corrupt presidential regime—lingers in the form of memorials that serve not only as reminders of the violence, but as evidence of the continued affirmation of this choice. I argue that the sociological construction of the revolutionary Heavenly Hundred Heroes and the participatory commemorative practices dedicated to such demonstrate how memorialization can foster the transition away from the corrupt authoritarian past toward a democratic future through the promotion of civic engagement. I employ the perspective of memorialization paired with a post-colonial framework to explain how the revolution is remembered by the Ukrainian public, analyzing the key interactions between civic identity formation, hybridity, memory, sites of conscience, and transitional justice to demonstrate how commemoration strengthens the culture of democracy. The examination of three different types of memorialization—grassroots, official, and the site of conscience—demonstrates the different ways in which memorials serve as sites of discourse and engagement for Ukrainian society. The ongoing attempts at the reforms promoting transitional justice demonstrate that memorialization of the revolution, in strengthening the culture of civic engagement, helps promote democracy. In Ukraine, civic engagement fostered by memorials positions them as crucial components of transitional, post-colonial spaces. / Graduate

The thesis Art during the Revolution in Ukraine 2013-2014 aims to gather art and artefacts created during the Revolution of Dignity. The thesis can be divided in three main parts. The first one is devoted to the history of contemporary Ukrainian art, how it originated and how relationships between art and politics can be identified. The next part is an analysis of the pre- revolutionary art scene, where we first focus on the problem of censorship in 2013 and then look at pre-revolutionary artworks by Ukrainian artists. The last part of the thesis is devoted to the events of the revolution themselves. The thesis is an attempt to collect and analyse artworks and artefacts created from November 2013 to February 2014, as well as giving an analysis of the influence of politics on the art scene in Ukraine.

Building on interviews with young activists of the Euromaidan movement, this paper examines the possibilities for civil society engagement in today’s Ukraine. In Ukraine, the level of civil society engagement is one of the lowest in the postsoviet world, while at the same time millions of people take part in large protest movements. The material shows that, and present explanations to why, young people who are keen to engage do so in many ways, without this engagement resulting in a long-term civil society engagement.

This study examines how two media sources—one Russian and one Ukrainian—portray Russia and Ukraine before, during, and after the EuroMaidan crisis in Ukraine. Russian-language texts posted between January 2013 and December 2015 on the sites Ukranews.com (a Ukrainian news outlet) and TASS.ru (Russian) were organized in a corpus of over 20,000,000 words. This study analyzes the nouns “Россия” (“Russia”) and “Украина” (“Ukraine”) according to the verbal predicates that attach to either noun. The results demonstrate predictable variation in the agency of the two entities in response to cultural events and contexts. The analysis of the corpus data operationalizes a combined model of agency using Halliday and Matheissen’s (2004) classification of processes, shaped by the animacy of the actor, and Dik’s (1989) States of Affairs Matrix, which prioritizes the actor’s physical effect in space and time. In this study, predicates of “Russia” and “Ukraine” are given numeric scores based on the models. Then, a new method of checking the validity of these models is tested by examining other entities that take the same predicates as Russia and Ukraine. Measurements from discrete time periods reveal how the agency of both entities changed before, during, and after EuroMaidan.

The master thesis examines the phenomenon of lustration laws in Ukraine as a legal measure of transitional justice. It maps the history of unsuccessful attempts to adopt lustration laws from the independence in 1991 until the Euromaidan revolution in winter 2014. It then analyses the two lustration laws adopted in 2014 and their implementation between years 2014 and 2017. Finally it analyses the legal review that the laws have faced or are likely to face in the future. It comes to a conclusion that Ukrainian laws were not adopted after the independence in 1991 because of structural reasons and after the Orange Revolution in 2004 due to a lack of political will. In the second part, the thesis concludes that Ukrainian lustration laws adopted after Euromaidan were some of the most extensive ones in the region of post-communist Europe. Nevertheless, their implementation fell short of meeting most of their goals. In the third part, the thesis concludes that the laws might be spared constitutional review, but they are likely to face a negative scrutiny before the European Court of Human Rights.

This thesis studies how the state owned news agency the RIA Novosti (РИА Новости) covered the protests, named Euromaidan. Timely the paper is limited with the end of November, 2013 and the end of February, 2014. The first part of the thesis focuses on the theoretical approaches about interdependences between the audience and the media. The next chapter covers concisely the principles and the essence of agenda setting and framing, also such concepts as frames and their functions are analyzed. In the methodological part the criteria and the scope of analysis are set up. After the methodological part the analytical part goes which focuses on the separate frames, which were constructed by the RIA Novosti. In the last chapter the conclusions were made unveiling, how the theoretical inputs and empirical outputs are correlated, and which Euromaidan's attributes were transmitted the most.

HIMA! / NOW! - translation from Armenian In light of recent and ongoing protests, demonstrations and riots in Ukraine, Egypt, Israel or Armenia, some actual questions arise such as how is the built environment used as an area of protest, how it is chosen as a focal point or path for resistance, what are the common characteristics of revolutionary spaces and how the environment effects on success. Lack of democracy from the government and in everyday life of Armenia society, total corruption and feeling of impunity oligarchy, the government and most of governmental institutions, weak economic growth accompanied by alarming number of emigration as well as successful scenarios in neighboring Georgia and Ukraine, force to predict a inescapable eruption of protests Armenia in near future. History shows that protests and civil disobedience are inevitable and necessary expressions of dissent in any democratic nation and country. However there are different passive tools to improve democratic institutions in the society and country in general such as public forums, open discussions and debates, freedom of speech and media etc. With this project I want to create a great Park with generous program embracing main democratic principles as a Public Space and Forum for everyone in capital of Armenia, Yerevan, BUT in case of nascent civil resistance the Park will become a space as a tool with urban inventory that people can use, manipulate, claim in order to defend their values and save own life's. This will be a Playground/Fortress for Democracy !

This study focuses on mediated representations of Europe during Euromaidan and the subsequent Ukraine–Russia crisis, analysing empirical material from Ukraine, Poland and Russia. The material includes articles from nine newspapers, diverse in terms of political and journalistic orientation, as well as interviews with journalists, foreign policymakers and experts, drawing also on relevant policy documents as well as online and historical sources. The material is examined from the following vantage points: Michel Foucault’s discursive theory of power, postcolonial theory, Jürgen Habermas’s theory of the public sphere, Pierre Bourdieu’s field theory, Jacques Derrida’s hauntology and Ernesto Laclau’s concept of the empty signifier. The methods of analysis include conceptual history (Reinhart Koselleck), critical linguistics and qualitative discourse analysis (a discourse-historical approach inspired by the Vienna school) and quantitative content analysis (in Klaus Krippendorff’s interpretation). The national narratives of Europe in Ukraine, Russia and Poland are characterised by a dependence on the West. Historically, these narratives vacillated between idealising admiration, materialist pragmatics and geopolitical demonising. They have been present in each country to some extent, intertwined with their own identification. These discourses of Europe were rekindled and developed on during Euromaidan (2013–2014). Nine major Ukrainian, Russian and Polish newspapers with diverse orientations struggled to define Europe as a continent, as the EU or as a set of values. Political orientation defined attitude; liberal publications in all three countries focused on the positives whereas conservative and business newspapers were more critical of Europe. There were, however, divergent national patterns. Coverage in Ukraine was positive mostly, in Russia more negative and the Polish perception significantly polarised. During and after Euromaidan, Ukrainian journalists used their powerful Europe-as-values concept to actively intervene in the political field and promote it in official foreign policy. This was enabled by abandoning journalistic neutrality. By comparison, Russian and Polish journalists were more dependent on the foreign policy narratives dispensed by political elites and more constrained in their social practice. / Denna studie undersöker hur Europa framställs i medier under Euromajdan och den efterföljande ukrainska-ryska krisen genom att analysera empiriskt material från Ukraina, Polen och Ryssland. Materialet omfattar artiklar från nio tidningar med olika politisk och journalistisk orientering samt intervjuer med journalister, diplomater och utrikespolitiska experter. I analysen ingår även relevanta politiska dokument, historiska texter och webbkällor. Materialet studeras utifrån en kombination av olika teoriperspektiv: Michel Foucaults diskursiva maktteori, postkolonial teori, Jürgen Habermas offentlighetsteori, Pierre Bourdieus fältteori, Jacques Derridas ”hauntology” och Ernesto Laclaus begrepp ”empty signifier”. Analysmetoderna omfattar begreppshistoria (Reinhart Koselleck), kritisk lingvistik samt kvalitativ diskursanalys (diskurshistorisk metod inspirerad av Wienerskolan) och kvantitativ innehållsanalys (i Klaus Krippendorffs tolkning). Historiskt karakteriseras Europaberättelserna i de tre länderna av det starka beroendet av Västeuropa, vilket reaktivt leder till perioder då Väst förkastas. Berättelserna rör sig mellan tre huvudpoler: idealiserande beundran, materialistisk pragmatism och geopolitisk demonisering. De är inte fast knutna till ett visst land utan har i skiftande grad varit närvarande i dem alla. Dock har svagare aktörer haft en idealiserande tendens eftersom Europa uppfattas som en källa till viktiga teknologier och moderna samhällsfunktioner. Författare i alla tre länderna hade svårigheter att definiera Europas gränser och eftersom detta problem kopplades till ländernas egna nationella identifikation brukar europeiskhet konstrueras som en våg som successivt försvagas ju vidare den sprids mot öster från sitt epicentrum någonstans i Nordvästeuropa. Dessa berättelser har reaktiverats och vidareutvecklats under 2013–2014. I de analyserade tidningarna uppfattas Europa ofta som en kontinent (främst i Polen) eller identifieras med EU (särskilt i Ryssland och Ukraina), men det är också vanligt att använda Europa som uttryck för en uppsättning värden (mindre vanligt i Polen och mest vanligt i Ukraina). Ideologiskt fokuserar de liberala tidningarna i alla tre länderna positiva värden medan konservativa tidningar och finansblad associerar Europa med negativa vär- den. Bland de positiva värdena dominerar de humanistiska i de ukrainska tidningarna och de rationalistisk-teknokratiska i det ryska urvalet. Den ukrainska pressen har mest positiv bevakning av Europas framgångar medan den ryska pressen innehåller mest av negativ bevakning där Europa ses som fiende och förlorare. Ukrainska och ryska diskurser skiljer sig mycket åt i frågan om det egna landet bör genomföra europeiska reformer (Ukraina) eller ej (Ryssland). Den polska bevakningen polariseras mellan positiva och negativa värden. Under och efter Euromajdan använde ukrainska journalister det kraftfulla begreppet om värdenas Europa för att intervenera i det politiska fältet och rekontextualisera denna Europaberättelse som den officiella utrikespolitikens berättelse. Detta blev paradoxalt möjligt tack vare den svaga professionaliseringen som tillät journalisterna att tillfälligt överge sin journalistiska neutralitet. I kontrast mot Ukraina begränsade Rysslands starka objektivitetsdiskurs journalisterna i deras sociala och politiska praktik. Där var det snarare den officiella politiska diskursen som övertogs och rekontextualiserades av medierna. Polska journalister var osäkra på sitt eget inflytande och arbetade i en cirkelrörelse där diskurser från mediesfären rekontextualiserades i det politiska fältet och omvänt. / Ця студія присвячена медіярепрезентаціям Европи під час Евромайдану та дальшої українсько-російської кризи, аналізуючи емпіричний матеріял з України, Польщі й Росії. Отой матеріял охоплює статті з дев’яти розмаїтих своєю політичною і журналістською орієнтацією газет, а також інтерв’ю з журналістами, дипломатами та експертами зі зовнішньої політики, користаючи при тім із доречних політичних документів, онлайнових та історичних джерел. Матеріял розглянуто з перспективи дискурсивної теорії влади Мішеля Фуко, постколоніяльної теорії, теорії громадськости Юрґена Габермаса, теорії полів П’єра Бурдьє, “hauntology” Жака Дерріди та поняття «порожнього означника» Ернеста Лякляу. Методи аналізу охоплюють історію понять (Райнгарт Козелек), критичну лінґвістику та якісний дискурс-аналіз (дискурсивно-історичний підхід підо впливом Віденської школи) і кількісний контент-аналіз (в інтерпретації Клявса Кріппендорфа). Історично національним наративам Европи у цих трьох країнах притаманна залежність від Заходу, яка також стимулює періоди його відштовхування. Ті наративи вагаються між трьома головними полюсами: захопленого ідеалізму, матеріялістичного прагматизму та геополітичного очорнення. Вони не є винятково притаманними якійсь одній країні і певною мірою присутні в кожній. Проте слабші актори схильні до ідеалізації, бо Европу сприймають за джерело важливого технологічного й соціяльного інструментарію. Авторам в усіх трьох країнах трудно визначити межі Европи, і, тимчасом як ця проблема переплелася була з їхньою власною ідентифікацією, европейськість зазвичай конструйовано на кшталт хвилі, що згасає в міру руху на Схід од епіцентру, розташованого десь ото в Північно-Східній Европі. Оці дискурси посилилися й розвинулися в 2013 – 2014 рр. В аналізованих газетах Европу асоціюють із цілим континентом (найчастіше в Польщі) або з ЕС (у Росії та в Україні), але розповсюджена й схема, де Европу використано на позначення певного набору вартостей, зрідка в Польщі, але найчастіше в Україні. Ідеологічно ліберальні видання в усіх трьох країнах зосереджені на позитивних вартостях, тоді як консервативні та бізнесові газети схиляються до неґативних. Серед позитивних якостей в українських газетах переважають гуманістичні, тоді як раціонально-технократичні типові для російської вибірки. Українська преса має найбільше позитивного висвітлення успішної Европи, а російські газети мають найбільше з усіх неґативного (Европа як ворог чи невдаха). Українські та російські дискурси найдужче різняться щодо того, чи своя країна мусить здійснювати европейські реформи (Україна) а чи ні (Росія). Польське висвітлення розривається межи позитивними а негативними вартостями. Під час та після Евромайдану українські журналісти використали впливове поняття Европи яко гуманістичних вартостей, щоб активно втрутитися в політичне поле й реконтекстуалізувати цей наратив Европи як офіційний наратив зовнішньої політики держави. Цьому парадоксально сприяла слабка професіоналізація, що дозволяє іґнорувати вимогу неупереджености. Порівняно з цим, потужний дискурс газетярської об’єктивности в Росії стримує журналістів у репертуарі соціяльної дії, відтак то радше медії реконтекстуалізують офіційний дискурс. Польські ж газетярі, непевні щодо власного впливу, працюють у замкненому колі, де політичне поле реконтекстуалізує наративи медіясфери і навпаки.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Ukrainian society faced a new reality. The new reality involved consolidation and transformation of collective identities. The reinvigoration of national identity led to a change in the emphasis on how the past was dealt with – many things which were regarded as negative by the Soviet regime became presented as positive in independent Ukraine. The war-time nationalist movement, represented by the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA), became one of the re-configured themes of history. While most of the studies of memory of the OUN and UPA concentrated on the use of the history of the OUN and UPA by nationalist parties, this study goes beyond the analysis of such use of history and scrutinizes the meaning of this history in nation- and state-building processes in relation to memory work realized on the small-scale regional and local levels with the main focus on Rivne and Rivne oblast’. Moreover, this book focusses not only on the “producers” of memory, but also on the “consumers” of memory, the area which is largely understudied in the field of memory studies. In the book the main emphasis is put on monuments which are regarded as catalysts and symptoms of memory. The present study showed that the OUN and UPA are used more as the metaphors of the anti-Soviet and anti-communist struggle for independence than as historical entities. This past is largely mythologized. Functioning as a myth the memory of the OUN and UPA obliterates difficult knowledge that the historical research reveals on the questionable activities and ideology of those organizations. As a result, the past of the OUN and UPA is re-imagined, re-filled with new meanings so that it is used along even with the democratic and pro-European claims in the present. It was especially well-observed during the Orange Revolution in 2004 and during the Euromaidan in 2013-2014, when the European Union’s flags were seen next to the OUN’s red-and-black flags or when the pro-European slogans were proclaimed alongside the OUN and UPA slogans. At the same time, the results demonstrated an intricate complexity of memory work shaped by intensive dynamics of private and public, grassroots and official, local and national encounters. Although there have been attempts made by political actors to draw a direct link between the national identity, political allegiances and proposed heroic version of memory, the study showed, that such attempts did not really work. In the pluralistic context the meanings are too fluid and adherence to one version of history does not preclude adherences to other versions of history which are presented as diametrically opposite in the political sphere. As result, on the recipients’ grassroots level, the memory reveals its amalgamated characteristics. Drawing on studies about post-colonial subjectivities and theories of remediation developed in memory studies, this book explores the changes in memory culture of contemporary Ukraine and examines the role of memory in producing new meanings under the rapidly changing conditions after the collapse of the Soviet Union up to 2014. The book contributes to the studies of memory culture in post-Communist countries as well as to the studies of society in contemporary Ukraine.