The main focus of this thesis is the challenges that are facing social policy development and implementation in South Africa in relation to the enhancement of human capability. The study adopted a historical approach to assess the model of social policy in South Africa and identified that social relations of domination inherited from the apartheid era continuing to produce inequalities in opportunities. Social policy under the democratic government has not managed to address social inequalities and the main drivers of poverty in the form of income poverty, asset poverty and capability poverty which are the underlying factors reproducing deprivation and destitution of the majority of the population Although South Africa prides itself of a stable democracy, social inequalities continue to undermine the benefits of social citizenship because political participation in the midst of unequal access to economic and social resources undermine the value of citizenship. Also, inequalities in the distribution of income and wealth, and in the control of economic production undermine political equality which is an ethic upon which social rights are predicated. As a result, state interventions are lacking inherent potential to build human capability for people to live the life that they have reason to value. The paradox of social policy in South Africa is that the majority of those who are marginalised are those who were excluded by the apartheid regime even though state intervention is claimed to be targeting them. This points to the failure of incremental equalisation of opportunities within a context of stark social inequities. It is also an indication that the economic growth path delivered by the political transition is working to reinforce the inherited legacy of deprivation and it is avoiding questions related to the structural nature of poverty and inequalities. Therefore, a transformative social policy is an imperative for South Africa. Such a framework of social policy should be premised upon a notion of human security in order to built human capability. Human security focuses on the security of individuals and communities to strengthen human development. It emphasises on civil, political and socioeconomic rights for individual citizens to participate fully in the process of governance. Although this thesis is a case study of social policy in South Africa, it can be used to appreciate the role of social policy in other developing countries, particularly the impact of political decision making on social distribution. Poverty and social inequalities are growing problems in developing countries and so is the importance of putting these problems under the spotlight for political attention.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Rotter’s (1966) locus of control (LOC) is, fundamentally, a theory pertaining to individuals’ perceptions of personal control and their appraisal of the contingency of reinforcements in life. An individual may feel as though he/ she has either no control (external LOC) or ample control (internal LOC) over reinforcements. Due to its expediency, the locus of control construct has garnered much attention since it was first introduced to academia in the late 1960s. While originally positioned within Social Learning Theory, the notion of loci of control has since been appropriated into academic fields such as Medicine and Sociology. This particular study now brings the theory of LOC into the realm of Political Science. Employing World Values Survey (WVS) data collected over three time points (1995, 2001, and 2006) in South Africa; this longitudinal study establishes whether or not self-reported class and/ or race influence LOC by measuring the relationship between these three variables. The extent to which any relationships may be significant is also examined. The data analyses showed that the LOC of South Africans has steadily increased (become more internalised) from 1995 to 2006, and that a significant interaction effect occurs between race and class on LOC in South Africa. It was likewise discovered that class and LOC were highly correlated with each other – the self-reported Lower Class had a notably lower LOC compared to the relatively high LOC of the self-reported Upper Class. It is suggested that improved education levels and social security benefits may have a role in improving individuals’ LOC, especially in the South African context. The results of this study uncover future research avenues into class analyses, particularly studies that seek to understand the psychological dimensions of self-reported class or the psychological antecedents of class mobility. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Rotter (1966) se lokus van beheer (LVB) is, fundamenteel, ‘n teorie wat betrekking het tot individueë se persepsies van persoonlike beheer en die waarde wat hul heg aan gebeurlikhede waar versterkings hul voordoen in hul lewens. ‘n Individu mag voel asof hy/sy geen beheer het nie (eksterne LVB) of genoegsame beheer het (interne LVB) oor versterkings. As gevolg van die bruikbaarheid van die term, geniet die lokus van beheer toenemend aandag sedert die bekendstelling daarvan aan academici in die laat 1960s. Die term was aanvanklik geposisioneer in Sosiale Leer Teorie, maar die idee van lokusse van beheer is ook later aangewend in Sosiologiese en Mediese studies. Hierdie studie bring nou die teorie van LVB na Politieke Wetenskap. World Values Study (WVS) data wat versamel is tydens drie opeenvolgende jare (1995, 2001 en 2006) in Suid-Afrika is aangewend as deel van hierdie longitudinale studie om te bepaal of self-geidentifiseerde klas en/of ras ‘n impak het op LVB. Die verhoudinge van hierdie drie veranderlikes, sowel as die beduidendheid van hierdie verhoudings, is ondersoek. Die data analise toon dat die LVB van Suid-Afrikaners bestendig vermeerder het (meer geinternaliseer het) vanaf 1995 tot en met 2006, en dat ‘n noemenswaardige interaksie effek voorkom tussen ras en klas en hul impak op LVB in die Suid-Afrikaanse geval. Daar is eweneens gevind dat klas en LVB hoogs gekorrileerd is vir die aangeduide periode – die self-geidentifiseerde Laer Klas het merkbaar laer LVB in vergelyking met die relatiewe hoë LVB van die self-geidentifiseerde Hoër Klas. Dit word voorgestel dat verbeterde opvoeding vlakke en welsyns voordele ‘n rol speel in die verbetering van individueë se LVB, veral in die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks. Die bevinding van hierdie studie kan gebruik word om toekomstige navorsing met betrekking tot klasverskille te begrond, vernaam studies wat sielkundige dimensies van self-geidentifiseerde klasgroep of die sielkundige bepalers van klas mobiliteit ondersoek.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This research examines the extent of participatory democracy, as outlined in government policy, with particular relevance to the experiences of women living on farms in the Greater Stellenbosch Area, Ceres and Rawsonville. The study is based on the notion that effective and meaningful political participation in South Africa has happened at the exclusion of many of its poor and marginalised citizens, in particular poor women living on farms. The research hypothesis holds that various factors relating to the socioeconomic conditions and political orientations of farm women contribute to their low levels of participation in democratic governance. The research question therefore is: what are the obstacles that prevent women living on farms in the Greater Stellenbosch Area, Ceres and Rawsonville from effective and meaningful participation in participatory democracy? In answering the research question, mixed methods of data gathering were employed. Qualitative methods were used, with data-gathering techniques that included modified participant observation, non-scheduled structured interviews, and a focus group discussion. As relatively little is known of the experiences of farm women, these techniques were all geared towards better informing the researcher about relevant questions for the quantitative component of the research in the form of a survey. From the findings, the hypothesis that farm women do not participate in a meaningful process of participation was confirmed. The main findings in terms of the obstacles that prevent meaningful participation can be discussed in three categories. Firstly, the research indicates that farm women feel that since their opinions are not considered by politicians there is no reason for them to participate in governance. Secondly, because of a lack of capacity and resources critical for optimal participation, the women are also disempowered to not participate in politics. Finally, farm women are tired of empty promises and the abuse of power by corrupt officials. Hence they have become very cynical of processes that are supposed to be participatory, but in effect are not authentic at all. In conclusion, although participation is advanced on the basis of the principle of enhancing democracy, the lived realities of farm women cannot be ignored. Therefore, it is vital that participation in politics be seen from a holistic perspective, relying on both democratic principles and the socioeconomic development of farm women. Through political iii participation, farm women must be empowered to become not only democratic citizens, as envisioned by theorists of participatory democracy, but also capacitated people who live a dignified life. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie navorsingsprojek bestudeer die omvang van deelnemende demokrasie, soos uiteengesit in regeringsbeleid, spesifiek met betrekking tot die ervaringe van vroue wat op plase in die Groter Stellenbosch Area, Ceres en Rawsonville woon. Die studie is gebaseer op die argument dat effektiewe en betekenisvolle politieke deelname in Suid Afrika die meerderheid arm en gemarginaliseerde burgers, en spesifiek arm vroue op plase, uitsluit. Die navorsingshipotese is dat verskeie faktore wat verband hou met die sosioekonomiese omstandighede en politieke oriëntasies van plaasvroue bydra tot hulle lae vlakke van politieke deelname. Vervolgens is die navorsingsvraag: Wat is die faktore wat vroue op plase in die Groter Stellenbosch Area, Ceres en Rawsonville daarvan weerhou om effektief en betekenisvol deel te neem aan die politiek? Gemengde metodes van data-insameling is gebruik om die navorsingsvraag te beantwoord. Kwalitatiewe data-insamelingstegnieke sluit in aangepaste deelnemende observasie, niegeskeduleerde gestruktureerde onderhoude en ʼn fokusgroepbespreking. Aangesien relatief min inligting oor plaasvroue bestaan, is die doel met die tegnieke om die navorser beter in te lig om vrae vir die kwantitatiewe komponent, ʼn opname, te skep. Deur die bevindinge is die hipotese dat plaasvroue nie gereeld aan effektiewe en betekenisvolle deelnemende prosesse deelneem nie bevestig. Wat die faktore wat deelname beïnvloed betref, is daar drie verskillende temas. Eerstens dui die navorsing daarop dat plaasvroue voel dat aangesien hulle opinies nie deur politici in ag geneem word nie, daar geen rede vir hulle is om aan die politiek deel te neem nie. Tweedens is plaasvroue as gevolg van ‘n gebrek aan die kapasiteit en hulpbronne noodsaaklik vir optimale deelname ook geneig om minder aan die politiek deel te neem. Laastens is die vroue moeg van leë beloftes en die misbruik van mag deur korrupte amptenare. Gevolglik is hul nou meer sinies, spesifiek oor prosesse wat veronderstel is om deelnemend te wees maar in werklikheid glad nie is nie. Ten slotte, alhoewel deelname aan die politiek bevorder word op grond van die beginsel dat dit demokrasie verbeter, kan die lewensomstandighede van plaasvroue nie geïgnoreer word nie. Hiervolgens is dit noodsaaklik dat deelname in die politiek vanuit ‘n holistiese oogpunt beskou word, gegrond op beide demokratiese beginsels en die sosio-ekonomiese ontwikkeling van plaasvroue. Deur politieke deelname moet plaasvroue bemagtig word om nie net demokratiese burgers te word nie, maar ook gekapasiteerde mense wat n waardige lewe lei.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Policies made by the government of a democratic country affect the lives of all citizens whether directly or indirectly. Policies should therefore represent the values of a democratic society. Since South Africa's transition to democracy in 1994, policymaking processes have promised to be everything that those in the past were not. The new government's ruling policy has promised to maximize opportunities for political participation, especially in terms of citizens being able to influence governmental decision making in cases where it affects their lives. The Tobacco Products Control Amendment Act of 1999 is regarded by many as one of the world's most controversial and regulated tobacco control policies. What makes this case exceptional is the fact that the policy process thereof seems to have caused some concern with regard to issues such as transparency, participation and consultation. The study, therefore, aims to establish the degree of political participation and consultation that one could observe in the making of the new tobacco law. It also gives an overview of what the policy-making process in general is like in South Africa; this is then compared with the case of the Tobacco Amendment Act. The study also focuses on broader aspects of the policy process such as the role of public policy with regard to the problems of the society. This research assignment is intent on describing the nature of the policy process of the Tobacco Amendment Bill and, by doing this, to promote the principles of democracy such as transparency, accountability and legitimacy, to which so many South Africans have dedicated their lives / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Openbare beleid en die daarmee gepaardgaande besluite wat deur die regering van 'n demokratiese land gemaak word, affekteer die lewens van elke burger direk of indirek. Beleid moet dus so geformuleer word dat dit die waardes van 'n demokratiese samelewing reflekteer. Sedert Suid-Afrika se oorgang tot demokrasie in 1994, was die nuwe regering se belofte dat beleidmaking meer inklusief sal wees as die van die verlede. Die nuwe bedeling se regeringsbeleid sou daarvolgens optimale geleenthede vir politieke deelname en seggenskap in belangrike beleidsbesluite skep. Die Wysigingswetontwerp op Tabakprodukte van 1999 word deur vele beskou as een van die mees kontroversiële en streng beheerde tabak beleide in die wêreld. Wat die geval so besonder maak, is die feit dat daar diegene is wat meen dat kwessies soos deursigtigheid, politieke deelname en konsultasie in die parlementêre beleidsproses agterweë gelaat is. Hierdie studie beoog dus om die mate van politieke deelname en konsultasie in die beleidsproses van die Wysigingswetontwerp op Tabakprodukte ondersoek. Die studie verskaf ook 'n oorsig oor hoe die algemene beleidsproses in Suid-Afrika daar uitsien. Dit word dan vervolgens vergelyk met die beleidsproses van die nuwe Tabakwet. Verder fokus dit ook op wyer aspekte van die beleidsproses soos die rol wat openbare beleid in die aanspreek van publieke probleme speel. In geheel, poog dit dus om die aard van die beleidsproses van die Wysigingswetontwerp op Tabakprodukte te beskryf en sodoende die beginsels van demokrasie, onder andere deursigtigheid, verantwoordbaarheid en legimiteit, waaraan so baie Suid-Afrikaners hul lewens toegewy het, te bevorder.

Thesis (MPA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: A public meeting is one of the strategies for public participation outlined by the International Association for Public Participation (IAP2). It is a strategy that is commonly used, but tends to yield poor outcomes. Its purpose is often misunderstood and it is therefore used as a “soft” public participation option that hastens the project at hand. However, it can be a most effective strategy if it is used correctly. Its intended outcome should be to create an interest in public participation within the community, especially when it comes to community-based development. The public should be left empowered and be given scope to influence, direct and own each and every development within its community. In this study the Khayamandi community has been used as a case study. It became apparent that at Khayamandi public meetings are not used correctly as a public participation strategy, and hence the public often felt left out of developments that took place in the community. Even though there are clear constitutional/legislative guidelines on public participation, Khayamandi has not yet achieved the required level of authentic and empowering public participation. In the light of the model developed in this study for public participation that empowers communities, it is evident that public participation at Khayamandi is at a level of tokenism, where information is shared with the public but the public is not expected to participate fully in the developmental agenda. The Khayamandi community, the local municipality and the developers will have to take steps jointly in order to meet the constitutional/legislative requirement on public participation. The ideal level at which the Khayamandi community needs to be is that of citizen power, where the public becomes a change agent and assumes the role of influencing, directing and taking ownership of its own development. This study has adopted a qualitative research paradigm. Interviews and rating-scale questionnaires (on the basis of a probability sampling), focus group and observation are the tools used to collect primary data. This study follows an evaluative research design, which aims at answering the question of whether an intervention, a programme or a strategy has been successful or effective. One of the major recommendations is that the public participation model which has been developed be used by the Khayamandi community in order for the public to be empowered and have the scope to influence, direct and own community-based development and decision-making processes. The public should make use of this model for optimal results. If the public participation strategy is used correctly, Khayamandi can be in a position to achieve the appropriate level of citizen power. Once that happens, the impact on integrated community-based development and decision-making processes will be positive, with improved service delivery as a consequence. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: ’n Publieke vergadering is een van die strategieë vir publieke deelname soos omlyn deur die Internasionale Assosiasie vir Publieke Deelname (IAP2). Dit is ’n strategie wat algemeen gebruik word, maar dit neig om ‘n swak uitkoms te lewer. Die doel daarvan word dikwels verkeerd verstaan, en gevolglik word dit gebruik as ’n niksseggende openbare deelname-opsie wat die gang van die voorgenome projek versnel. Dit kan egter een van die mees doeltreffende strategieë wees as dit korrek toegepas word. Die beoogde uitkoms behoort te wees om belangstelling in publieke deelname binne die gemeenskap aan te wakker, veral waar dit gemeenskapsgebaseerde ontwikkeling betref. Die publiek behoort daardeur bemagtig gelaat en geleentheid gegee te word om ieder en elke ontwikkeling binne die gemeenskap te beïnvloed, te bestuur en te eien. In hierdie studie is die gemeenskap van Khayamandi as studie-onderwerp gebruik. Dit het geblyk dat publieke vergaderings in Khayamandi nie korrek as ’n openbare deelnamestrategie gebruik word nie, daarom voel die publiek dikwels uitgesluit uit ontwikkelings wat in die gemeenskap plaasgevind het. Alhoewel daar duidelike grondwetlike/wetgewende riglyne oor publieke deelname is, het Khayamandi nog nie die gewensde vlak van egte en bemagtigende openbare deelname bereik nie. Beoordeel volgens die model wat in hierdie studie ontwikkel is vir openbare deelname wat gemeenskappe bemagtig, is dit duidelik dat openbare deelname in Khayamandi op ‘n simboliese vlak is waar inligting aan die gemeenskap gegee word, maar die publiek word nie verwag om ten volle aan die ontwikkelingsagenda deel te neem nie. Die gemeenskap van Khayamandi, die plaaslike munisipaliteit en die ontwikkelaars sal gesamentlik stappe moet neem om die grondwetlike/wetgewende voorskrifte omtrent publieke deelname na te kom. Die ideale vlak waarop die gemeenskap van Khayamandi behoort te wees, is dié van burgerlike mag, waar die publiek die agent van verandering word en die rol aanvaar om sy eie ontwikkeling te beïnvloed, te bestuur en te eien. Hierdie studie het ’n kwalitatiewe navorsingsparadigma nagevolg. Onderhoude en vraelyste met ‘n assesseringskaal (volgens ‘n waarkynlikheidsteekproef), ’n fokusgroep en waarneming is metodes wat gevolg is om primêre data in te samel. Hierdie studie volg ’n evalueringsnavorsingsplan, wat ten doel het om die vraag te beantwoord of ’n ingryping, ’n program of ’n strategie suksesvol of effektief was. Een van die hoofaanbevelings is dat die publiekedeelnamemodel wat ontwikkel is, deur die gemeenskap van Khayamandi gebruik word, sodat die publiek bemagtig word en geleentheid het om gemeenskapsgebaseerde ontwikkelings- en besluitnemingsprosesse te bestuur, te eien en te beïnvoeld. Die publiek behoort hierdie model vir optimale resultate te gebruik. As die publiekedeelnamestrategie korrek gebruik word, kan Khayamandi in staat wees om die gepaste vlak van burgerlike mag te bereik. Sodra dit gebeur, sal die impak op geïntegreerde gemeenskapsgebaseerde ontwikkeling en besluitnemings-prosesse positief wees, met verbeterde dienslewering as gevolg.

The Ward Committee System was introduced in South Africa in 2001 as a tool to bring government closer to the people and to enhance participatory democracy. The Makana Municipality adopted the system in 2002. Previous research on local government indicates that these structures have not been effective due to the lack of resources to sustain them. This study was interested in furthering such research, using the Makana Municipality as a case study during which unstructured, in-depth interviews and focus group discussions were conducted with Ward Councillors, Ward Committee Members and Grade 12 learners. The aim of the research was to investigate whether the ward committees did indeed promote the notion of participatory democracy and to what extent grass roots development has been enhanced by this structure of local government. The findings from both the respondents and the observations indicate that, in addition to the lack of resources, the underutilization of the Ward Committee System is a result of the effect of opposing political affiliations within the ward committee system, affiliations that undermine the goal of collaborative decision-making. Whereas the ward committee system is a positive idea, the findings suggest that the government is not supporting these structures by failing to equip the ward committee members with necessary capacities and skills. Therefore, if municipalities are committed to bridging the gap between local government and the community, and are keen to enhance participatory democracy, then capacity building of the ward committees and respect for their role during the decision-making process need to be taken seriously. At present, ward committee members are not influential and active in the decision-making process. In addition, the youth as prospective future ward committee members seemed disillusioned with the notion of participatory democracy, and instead have adopted the mentality that nepotism and corruption, as displayed by those in power, is the only way of governance. This research suggests that the ward committee system, intended to bring government closer to the people, may in fact not only alienate government from the people, but also the people from each other.

The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa (Act 108 of 1996), section 152(1)(e) encourages the involvement of communities and community organisations in local government matters. The Municipal Systems Act (Act 32 of 2000) requires the municipality to develop a culture of municipal governance that complements formal representative government with a system of participatory democracy. The communities play a vital role in the preparation, implementation and review of the Integrated Development Plan (IDP). The aim of this study was to determine the role of community participation in the IDP process of Lepelle-Nkumpi Local Municipality. This study also assessed participation in integrated development planning in the Lepelle-Nkumpi Local Municipality. The conclusion of the study focused on the process, procedures, legislations and guidelines on community participation in the Integrated Development Plan (IDP) of Lepelle-Nkumpi Local Municipality. It was recommended that Lepelle-Nkumpi Local Municipality must establish appropriate mechanisms, processes and procedures to enable the local community to participate in the affairs of the municipality. / Public Administration and Management / M.A. (Public Administration)

Local Government has a critical role to play in rebuilding local communities and environments as the basis for a democratic, integrated prosperous and truly non-racial society and this is enshrined in Chapter 7 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act 108 of 1996. The key focus area of this research study is the evaluation of the impact of Public Participation on the formulation and implementation of the Integrated Development Plan in the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality for the period 2004 – 2008. This research study has two aims that are related to public participation in the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality and they are: - To evaluate the impact of public participation in the Integrated Development Plan in the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality and whether public participation is seen as a vehicle to enhance policy formulation and implementation or not especially with respect to community ownership of the Integrated Development Plan. To provide strategies/mechanisms to remedy the situation. The research study is people focused and the methodogical approach that is used in this investigation is qualitative and quantitative. The target groups for this research is the Community residing in the jurisdiction area of the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality, Metro Councillors and Municipal Officials.

This study examines the role of Ward Committees in facilitating “authentic” public participation, with particular reference to Ba-Phalaborwa Municipality. The key question of the study is whether Ward Committees serve as effective mechanisms to promote public participation in the local sphere of government in South Africa. To answer this question, this research project focuses on the composition, functioning and responsibilities of Ward Committees, and how these contribute to effective public participation. This is important because one of the mandates of local government in the post-apartheid era in South Africa is to promote local democracy through the participation of communities. The empirical findings of this research project reveal that Ward Committees are confronted with a multitude of challenges where their functioning tends to be compromised. This has led this research to recommend the improvement of capacity among Ward Committees as a way of enhancing public participation. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)

The dissertation deals with the roots of civic apathy in local government, and the main emphasis is to establish the root cause/s of civic apathy. The hypothesis: 'civic apathy is a phenomenon intensified by ignorance and a feeling of powerlessness and frustration on the electorate' is tested in this study. To examine further specific aspects of civic apathy, including establishing the cause/s and effects of apathy, the author conducted a quantitative research in the Northern Metropolitan Area m Johannesburg, using questionnaires and literature study as the research method. The hypothesis advanced in the dissertation has been validated insofar as it has been argued and demonstrated that indeed people can feel powerless and frustrated if they are deliberately being excluded from, or denied the opportunity to participate actively in their local government activities. The main finding is that civic apathy is intensified by ignorance. However, the most important finding is that there ts a causal relationship between powerlessness, frustration and apathy. / Public Administration and Management / M. Admin. (Public Administration)