Thesis (M. of Strategic Studies)--U.S. Army War College, 2007. / "USAWC program research paper." "DDE research project"--P. [iii]. Title from PDF title screen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 21-26). Also available online via the STINET website (http://stinet.dtic.mil/).

International peacekeeping has gained a high profile in international relations and more so, in the post cold war era. The profound increase in the occurrence of civil wars globally and the consequent high demand for the UN to intervene has compelled the world body to delegate its peacekeeping powers to regional organisations. SADC is one of many regional organisations around the world which are faced with the challenge of developing peacekeeping capacities to resolve local conflicts. This thesis endeavours to investigate the prospects of peacekeeping in Southern Africa with specific reference to the involvement of South Africa as a regional power with the wherewithal to play a leadership role in this regard. This is done within the theoretical framework that is provided by the Realist school of thought in international relations. Furthermore, the concept of national interest as defined by Realism will be utilised to explain why countries in Southern Africa in general and South Africa in particular become involved in regional peacekeeping initiatives. The issue of whether the Republic should be involved and how much it should be involved has provoked an intense debate within the country. This debate will therefore be instructive in understanding the dynamics that influence the country's foreign policy behaviour towards the region in relation to playing a leadership role in regional peacekeeping initiatives. The central issue implicit in the debate is the fact that most of the SADC member states that are expected to contribute towards these initiatives have weak economies. This economic weakness in turn leads to the thorny issue of having to seek foreign assistance from western countries from which the region is trying to gain greater independence. This presents the region with a paradox because foreign assistance has serious implications for the SADC countries' sovereignty. It is in this context therefore, that this thesis examines economic development in individual SADC countries and in the region as a whole to establish whether they are in a position to develop a sustainable regional peacekeeping capacity. The contention of the thesis is that economic development is closely related to peacekeeping because without a sound economic base Southern Africa or any other region for that matter, will not be able to develop a viable peacekeeping capacity. On the other hand, keeping the peace in the region is itself important for economic development because it is only in a peaceful environment that economic development can take root.

This thesis examines the security problematic of African states and focuses more particularly on the SADC region. It links the security problematic with the transactionalist approach to (supra)national integration and the concept of a security community, introduced into internatIonal relations theory by Karl Deutsch and his colleagues. In relation to the (in)security of SADC member states, the thesis attempts to demonstrate that national integration of these states (i.e. the establishment of an amalgamated security community) has at least to accompany if not precede the establishment of a security community at the regional level (i.e. a pluralistic security community). Since threats to the security of SADC member states are mainly nonmilitary in nature, the 'realist' concept of security is broadened to include political, economic, societal and environmental aspects of security at different levels. Furthermore, Deutsch's concept of a security community is redefined in line with the 'new security thinking' and adapted to the situation in African states. Moreover, this thesis attempts to demonstrate that it is essential for SADC member states to become strong and socio-economically cohesive in order to improve their competitiveness in relation to developed states, especially in their ability to deal with internal and ransnational/regional threats to their security, which are (in)directly caused and perpetuated by the lack of national integration, inefficient state-making and underdevelopment - the sources of their weakness.

How a country is perceived by foreign investors is becoming increasingly significant to the ability of individual countries to attract foreign direct investment into their economies. In Africa, existing negative perceptions of the continent as an investment destination have been considered as an obstacle for foreign direct investment inflows to the continent in general. Although Zimbabwe offers foreign investors multiple lucrative investment opportunities, attracting foreign direct investment to the country presents a unique challenge due to the image of the country post the 1998-2008 economic crisis. Despite the vast research on the determinants of foreign direct inflows to particular countries, little is known about whether non-financial image-related factors influence the inflow of foreign direct investment to a particular country, especially a country with a unfavourable global image like Zimbabwe. The primary objective of this study was therefore to determine the perceived non-financial nation brand image factors considered to be influential for attracting specific foreign direct investment inflow opportunities in Zimbabwe. A comprehensive literature review resulted in the identification of nine independent variables (tourism, governance, people, culture and heritage, exports, investment and immigration, factor endowments, infrastructure, and legal and regulation frameworks), as well as four dependent variables (market-, resource-, efficiency- and strategic asset-seeking foreign direct investment inflow opportunities in Zimbabwe). A hypothesised model was developed in order to examine whether the independent variables have an influence on the dependent variables, and as a result nine hypotheses were formulated to test the relationships between the nine independent variables and each of the four dependent variables. A cross-sectional, quantitative deductive approach to research was employed in order to generate the data required for hypothesis testing. Purposive sampling techniques were employed to draw the sample frame for the study. A self-administered online survey was conducted, and generated empirical data from a final sample comprised of 305 investors who had applied to invest in Zimbabwe through the Zimbabwe Investment Authority between January 2009 and April 2015. Data was analysed using STATISTICA 12 software. Exploratory factor analysis was utilised to extract the constructs and validate the measuring instrument. Cronbach’s alpha coefficients were calculated in order to test the reliability and internal consistency of the measuring instrument. As a result, a total of six valid and reliable independent variables, and four dependent variables were retained for further analysis. The results of the Pearson product-moment correlation coefficients revealed mostly moderate correlations. The Multi-Collinearity diagnostics test confirmed the absence of collinearity between the independent variables and dependent variables respectively. Subsequently, the results of the four sets of multiple regression analyses, disclosed thirteen statistically significant relationships between the six independent variables and the four categorical dependent variables. Tourism had significant relationships with market-, efficiency- and strategic asset-seeking FDI inflow opportunities. Government actions had significant relationships with resource- and strategic asset-seeking FDI inflow opportunities. People had significant relationships with resource- and efficiency- seeking FDI inflow opportunities. Export had significant relationships with market-, resource-, efficiency- and strategic asset-seeking FDI inflow opportunities. Regulatory framework had significant relationships with market- and resource-seeking FDI inflow opportunities. The results of the Analysis of Variance revealed that investor status can be used to predict which non-financial nation brand image determinants played a role in the ultimate decision for taking up foreign direct investment opportunities in Zimbabwe. Further analysis of the role that the demographic profiles of the investors played in predicting which non-financial nation brand image determinants are considered influential in taking up foreign direct investment opportunities in Zimbabwe was confirmed in the Multivariate Analysis of Variance with thirty-four statically significant relationships identified. Further analysis by means of post-hoc Scheffé testing and Cohen’s d-values calculations confirm that thirty-nine practically significant mean differences were evident. This study makes a novel contribution to the empirical body of nation branding, foreign direct investment and investment promotion research by developing and testing a hypothetical model that synthesises facets of the three fields of study. This study represents a new discourse in the identification of the determinants of FDI (that being non-financial determinants) and provides an explanatory framework for the non-financial nation brand image determinants influencing each type of FDI inflow opportunity sought in Zimbabwe. It is within this framework that recommendations, based on empirical evidence, are made for the Government of Zimbabwe and the Zimbabwe Investment Authority. Some of these recommendations could be implemented within the short-term, while others may be more strategic in the long term. Recommendations made include that the Government of Zimbabwe undertakes significant policy reviews, continues its engagement with key external stakeholders such as other governments, supra-national financial institutions, and foreign investors, as well as adhering to existing favourable FDI policies. It is also recommended that the Zimbabwe Investment Authority adopt an intermediary role, by linking the Government of Zimbabwe with potential foreign investors through investor targeting, as well as promoting Zimbabwe as an investment destination by engaging in image-building activities such as public diplomacy, investor relations, specialised advertising and hosting investor forums with multiple, distinct investor segments. These image-building activities should be centered on the non-financial nation brand image determinants that foreign investors consider to be influential to foreign direct investment in Zimbabwe, and should be geared towards improving and managing the perceived image of Zimbabwe as an investment destination.

The signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) between the Republic of Sudan represented by the National Congress Party (NCP) and the SPLM (Sudan People’s Liberation Movement) which represented the people of the Southern part of Sudan in January 2005 ushered in a rare era of peace and hope for the rebuilding and construction of the war ravaged South Sudan. Coupled with the attainment of Independence for South Sudan through an internationally supervised referendum in January 2011, the objectives of years of struggle by the people of the formerly semi-autonomous region were completed. From 2005 until after the independence of South Sudan however, a period that initially was marked by huge euphoria and broad based anticipation of development boom, the support from both local and international actors for the struggle and the plight of the people of South Sudan is waning and at worst has now turned into despair and hopelessness. After attaining independence in 2011, the highest party organ, the Political Bureau decided to remove candidates who were popularly voted by their constituents and replaced them with their cronies, leading to mass exodus of cadres from the party. On top of that, the wide believe that the elections were rigged for SPLM candidates at the expense of the Independent candidates led to another wave of exodus and open rebellion by many veteran cadres of the movement. Today, these rebellions coupled with some complex problematic societal issues are major concern and a source of political instability and violence in some parts of the country. Secondly, the hasty process of the Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR) campaign, which in some cases were forcefully done left some communities exposed and venerable to attacks by rival communities. This continue to exacerbate and ignite tribal hatred, tension and stereotypes between communities especially in the traditionally volatile parts of the country that are known for cattle rustling and tribal rivalry as a form of cultural practice. Unresolved post secession issues within the SPLM had resulted to political instability and violence thus having negative economic consequences for South Sudan and all the gains the country had made in the past few years vanished after December 15 2013 political upheaval. This thesis will examine the effects of these mentioned complex political instability and economic dilemma South Sudan is being confronted with in the face of the fact that it is still in the process of nation building having attained its Independence only in July 2011.

This thesis has been pre-occupied with four major interconnected projects. The first of these was a search for an understanding of the nature of the crisis of structural legitimacy that currently afflicts the fragmented post-colonial African state, an enquiry that examines the nature of the very phenomena that the law has sought to regulate. The second was to understand the nature, and social effects, of the various doctrinal attitudes historically exhibited by international law and institutions toward the phenomenon of "socio-cultural fragmentation within established states". In this respect, I have sought to understand the ways in which certain doctrines of international law and institutions have provided powerful arguments, justifications or excuses for those states that have deemed it necessary to attempt to forge coercively, both a sense of common citizenship, and an ethos of national coherence, among their various component sub-state groups. The third was to chart the ongoing normative and factual transformation of the traditional approaches that international law and institutions have adopted toward that problem, and thereby map the extent to which these institutions have taken advantage of such innovations, enabling them to actually contribute to the effort to prevent and/or reduce the incidence of internecine strife in specific African contexts. And the last was to recommend a way forward that is guided by the conclusions of the thesis: a way in which these institution-driven transformations can be encouraged and consolidated in the specific context of African states. For purposes of brevity and the imperative need for focus, these enquiries have been conducted in the specific but somewhat allegorical context of Africa. It is hoped, however, that even this largely Africa-specific analysis has contributed to the advancement of knowledge regarding the general question of the relationship among the doctrines of international law, the activities of multilateral institutions, and the management of the problems of socio-cultural fragmentation and internecine strife within established states. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

This thesis concerns the role of constitutional courts in maintaining stability in the country. The thesis first of all introduces the connection between the concepts of stability, security and democracy. With the help of the general theory of disputes and conflicts formed by Shonholtz and the definition of the various roles that courts can play with respect to a political system, this thesis attempts to outline how courts can contribute to security and stability in the country or how they, on the contrary, can disrupt it. In the practical part, the thesis focuses on the region of Latin America. Using the examples from selected countries (Bolivia, Venezuela and Argentina), this work tries to demonstrate the effect of decisions of constitutional courts on stability and security. Crucial in the assessment of their stabilization role is if the courts are able to evoke civic trust in a democratic system and if they have the ability to protect the system effectively. The role of courts in selected cases is assessed using the functional analysis.

Youth exclusion in a society is a major issue in many parts of the globe, and particularly in the Arab world. It limits the succession of social movements leading to political stability and leaves a relevant part of the society alienated from political processes. For this reason, this thesis aims to introduce and highlight youth as a source for political and social development, using Lebanon as a case study through the theoretical lens of empowerment theory. The work carried out understands empowerment theory as a useful theoretical framework in Political Science, and its contribution to the case under scrutiny will rest upon three interrelated categories: individual empowerment, collective empowerment, and social and political change as a subsequent. The research focuses on the capacity development of young Lebanese people through their participation in a UNDP program. Using content analysis of a UNDP report and semi-structured interviews conducted with youth (20-28) as well as with the youth focal point in UNDP, the thesis systemically examines and evaluates the extent to which Lebanese youth are feeling empowered by the UNDP for creating social change and reducing political instability. The results and findings of the research suggest that if organizations such as the UNDP place more attention on youth, they are likely to have a greater political and social impact on social and political development.

No description available.

The main aim of this thesis is to investigate the relationship between political stability, inflation, unemployment, GDP per capita, and vice versa. Previously this question has been studied in the relationship between political stability and each of these economic variables individually. With this research we can analyse if the poor economic performance in some countries is caused by unstable political institutions, that is why we find it important. Here we are analysing and comparing all of the economical variables at the same time and analysing which ones show the strongest relationships, or if the relationships are significant or not significant. In previous studies, the measurements that were used for political stability were: government changes, cabinet changes, index of economic freedom, or polity state. However, in this paper, the political stability measurement used is the Political stability index and Absence of Violence/Terrorism, which measures the likelihood that the government will be destabilised. Additionally, differently, from previous studies, Granger causality is used to understand causality between political stability and economic development variables.