The thesis traces Southern African security dimensions from the Cold War and the period of apartheid in South Africa to the post-apartheid era. It makes an attempt to investigate the prospects of Southern Africa becoming a security community and the processes and practices underlying these efforts. Using the constructivist theory approach to international relations, the thesis argues that the preoccupation with principles of sovereignty and non-interference, a lack of political will and the absence of common values that could help SADC institute binding rules and decision-making are the main blocks that prevent the region from asserting itself as a security community. All these militate against the idea of mutual accountability among SADC member states and have a negative impact on the institutional and functional capacity of SADC. This also prevents SADC from dealing with the emerging non-military human security threats in the region. In consideration of this, the thesis argues that the idea of security community building in Southern Africa remains not only a regional issue, but also requires the involvement of extra-regional actors.

This study examines the effects of conflict on socio-economic development. It focuses on the ongoing political conflict in the Nelson Mandela Bay Municipality due to national political factionalism that has negatively affected service delivery. Political conflict led to the absence of the municipal manager from 2009, impacting the administration of the Metro. Since that time, no municipal manager has held office for more than four months. The municipal manager’s job is crucial to the operation of the Metro, including the allocation of funds required for service delivery. Service delivery has therefore been negatively affected by the conflict, with waste removal being particularly neglected. This has been prevalent in areas such as New Brighton and Motherwell, which will be the primary focus of this treatise. This study found that, as a consequence of the situation in the Metro community members have become indifferent to political affairs. However, they still seek change and have faith that their livelihoods could be improved.

La microfinance est un moyen de lutte contre la pauvreté dans les pays en développement, à travers le financement des activités génératrices de revenus des ménages pauvres. Cependant, la meilleure manière d'aider les pauvres à avoir accès aux services financiers suscite des débats entre deux approches opposées : les welfarists et les institutionalists. Ces approches oscillent entre deux exigences fondamentales de la microfinance : le principe de solidarité qui renvoie à la performance sociale et la rentabilité de l'institution qui relève de la performance financière. Y-a- t- il arbitrage ou compatibilité entre ces deux performances? L'état d'avancement de la recherche sur cette question suggère la compatibilité, voire la complémentarité, de ces deux exigences de la microfinance.Une analyse factorielle en coupe instantanée (année 2008) sur un échantillon de 52 IMF dans 9 pays de la région MENA examine la relation entre ces deux performances. Les résultats de cette analyse soulignent que la plupart des IMF d'Egypte sont à la fois socialement et financièrement performantes alors que celles du Yémen ne sont que socialement performantes et celles de la Jordanie ne sont que financièrement performantes. Les facteurs déterminants de ces deux performances varient notamment selon le statut (ONG vs. non ONG), la maturité, la méthodologie de prêt (solidaire vs. individuel), la zone d'intervention (rurale vs. urbaine), le niveau de transparence informationnelle, la localisation géographique (pays) et la réglementation des IMF.Une étude économétrique en panel (1998-2008) examine la causalité univoque et interactive entre la performance sociale et la performance financière. Les résultats des régressions statistiquement significatives montrent que la performance sociale a un impact négatif sur la performance financière et inversement ; l'interaction à long terme entre ces deux performances est encore floue. Les résultats montrent aussi que les principaux déterminants de ces deux performances varient selon le cycle de vie de l'IMF ; la relation entre l'âge et la performance n'est pas linéaire ; la règlementation de l'IMF dépend non seulement de son pays mais aussi de son statut institutionnel ; les effets macroéconomiques sont importants dans l'atteinte de deux performances ; les IMF matures cherchent à assurer un bon taux de remboursement au lieu d'augmenter les rendements de leurs portefeuilles. / Microfinance is a means of the struggle against poverty in developing countries through financing activities that generate incomes for poor households. The issue regarding the best way to provide financial services to the poor has fuelled intensive debates between two different schools of thought: institutionalists and welfarists. This opposition faces two requirements of microfinance: Targeting the poorest among the poor, which refers to the social performance and enhancing the profitability of the institution (financial performance). Is there a trade-off between these two performances or can they combine? The state of research upon this issue suggests that these two requirements are compatible and may even be complementary.Following a cross-section factor analysis, we examine the relationship between social performance and financial performance on a sample of 52 MFIs in 9 selected countries of the MENA region: Most MFIs in Egypt are both socially and financially successful, whereas those in Yemen are socially successful and those in Jordan are financially successful. The determinants of these performances vary according to the status (NGO vs. non NGO), maturity, credit methodology (collective vs. individual), the level of information disclosure, geographical location (countries) and regulations of MFIs.An econometric panel study (1998-2008) examines the unequivocal causality and causal interaction between social performance and financial performance. The regression results show that social performance has a negative impact on financial performance and conversely, and the causal interaction between these two types of performances remains unclear in the long run. The results also show that the main determinants of these two performances depend on the life cycle of MFIs, the relationship between age and performance is not linear, the regulation of MFIs depends not only on their countries but also on their institutional status, macroeconomic effects are important in achieving performances, mature MFIs seek to ensure good repayment rates instead of increasing portfolio yield.

The correlation between food insecurity and conflict has previously been studied and established in multiple studies. Furthermore, additional research has found linkages allying increased levels of female political participation and the de-escalation of conflict. Despite these facts, there are to date no studies examining whether female inclusion in peace processes has an effect on hunger. Thus, this dissertation addresses the relationship between female signatories’ presence in peace processes and food insecurity. Food insecurity is operationalized as prevalence of undernourishment, and female inclusion in peace negotiations is measured by the presence of female signatories in such processes. The study’s main conceptual claim is based on gaps found in previous literature, and argues that a higher level of female participants in peace processes leads to a lower level of food insecurity. The claim is evaluated in a quantitative statistical analysis, using data on food insecurity from the FAOSTAT Data for Food Security Indicators​, and incorporating statistics on female inclusion in peace negotiations from the ​Replication Data for Women’s Participation in Peace Negotiations and the Durability of Peace​. The analysis illustrates food insecurity’s dissemination in post-conflict societies and gender dispersals within peace negotiations, in order to demonstrate an existing correlation. Built on results from an ordinary least squares regression, the study confirms that higher presence of female signatories in peace processes decreases the likelihood of food insecurity in post-conflict societies.

In this thesis, the relationship between emigration and political stability is explored.  The scope is limited to emigration from developing states to 20 OECD destination countries. The relationship is analysed with OLS regression with a host of democratic and stability controls. The variables are motivated by employing a theoretical framework constructed by reviewing previous theories and research where diverse consequences of emigration are discussed, such as brain drain, remittances, and governance. The regression hints at a positive relationship between emigration and political stability but remains largely statistically insignificant. Some major takeaways are that developing countries with greater democratic indicators have generally higher emigration rates and lower political instability. These results point to emigration as an overall positive force for developing countries, but dependent on how the country is governed.

This thesis examines the viability of the concept of political liberalism. Since its emergence, the idea of a purely political liberalism has been the subject of a voluminous amount of discourse and debate. The concept of political liberalism has been presented as both a solution to the problems of justice and political stability troubling liberal democracies and an exemplar of all that is wrong with contemporary political philosophy; it has, quite literally, altered the landscape and the vernacular of contemporary political theory. Herein it is argued that, despite the significant amount of literature that has been devoted to the analysis of the idea of a purely political liberalism, the idea itself has yet to be subjected to the type of critique that is required if one is to assess its viability effectively. Though there have been a number of contemporary political theorists who have developed conceptions of political liberalism which they believe differ in important ways from those of their doctrinal colleagues, detailed analyses of the concept of political liberalism have and remain focussed almost exclusively on a single formulation: namely, Rawlsian political liberalism. This singular focus has precluded the completion of a comprehensive assessment of the viability of the concept (as opposed to a single conception) of political liberalism as represented both by Rawlsian and non-Rawlsian models. This thesis confronts this problem by expanding the scope of investigation to include a fulsome examination of other prominent paradigmatic conceptions of political liberalism namely, those developed by Charles Larmore and Judith Shklar and in so doing provides a more inclusive and, subsequently, thorough critique than has previously been offered. Adopting such an approach reveals that, despite protestations to the contrary, the prominent paradigmatic conceptions of political liberalism are sufficiently similar in all important respects to enable their conflation for the purpose of analysis; and when subjected to a thorough analysis, the idea of a purely political liberalism proves itself to be untenable. / Political Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Politics)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Conflicts are a prevalent phenomenon in Africa. Of major wars after the Second World War, many occurred on the African continent. Families go to bed not sure of seeing one another on the following day. Conflicts and the lack of peace in Africa have been correctly identified as a major obstacle on the emancipation path that the African masses tread from poverty, underdevelopment and much want. Africa thus needs to take conflict resolution and the maintenance of peace on the continent seriously. One cannot, in any way, attempt to solve something that one does not understand. Research is, thus, important in the search for a peaceful Africa. In expression of such sentiments, the current study was undertaken to gain an understanding of peacemaking in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. The study seeks to make a comparative analysis of Namibia’s peacemaking role in this region. Such was wanting or minimal in the literature on Namibia. The study considered two case studies, those of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Angola. The study found that Namibia is not only an active participant in SADC peacemaking, but it has contributed to the return of peace and stability in the region; the country played an important role in peacemaking in both the DRC and Angola. It found various similarities and differences between the two case studies. It was established that Namibia takes a twofold approach to peacemaking for it engaged in both diplomatic and military actions. Additionally, the study found that Namibia’s peacemaking role, in the cases considered, was conducted in a secretive manner. This is to say that the approach was somewhat secretive albeit becoming public knowledge later. While all cases are regarded as successful in terms of objectives vis- à-vis results analysis, the study found that the Angolan peacemaking was more successful than the DRC. This comparative analysis is, therefore, presented for those seeking to understand Namibia’s peacemaking in the region and also as a basis for future studies. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Konflik is ʼn algemene verskynsel in Afrika. Van die grootste oorloë sedert die Tweede Wêreldoorlog het op die Afrikavasteland plaasgevind. Gesinne gaan saans bed toe sonder om te weet of hulle mekaar die volgende dag sal sien. Konflik en die gebrek aan vrede in Afrika word met reg bestempel as ʼn groot struikelblok vir die Afrikamassas se bevryding van armoede, onderontwikkeling en uiterste gebrek. Afrika behoort dus erns te maak met konflikbeslegting en die handhawing van vrede op die vasteland. Tog kan ʼn mens nie eintlik iets probeer oplos indien jy dit nie volkome begryp nie. Navorsing is dus belangrik in die strewe na ʼn vreedsame Afrika. Hierdie studie is derhalwe onderneem om ʼn begrip te bied van vredestigting in die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelingsgemeenskap- (SAOG-)streek. Meer bepaald bied die ondersoek ʼn vergelykende uiteensetting van Namibië se rol in vredestigting in die SAOG-streek – ʼn onderwerp waaroor daar tot dusver weinig, indien enigiets, in literatuur oor Namibië te vinde was. Die studie ondersoek twee gevallestudies, naamlik die Demokratiese Republiek van die Kongo (DRK) en Angola. Die navorsing bevind dat Namibië nie net ʼn aktiewe deelnemer aan SAOG-vredestigting is nie, maar ook tot die herstel van vrede en stabiliteit in die streek bygedra het; die land het ʼn belangrike rol in konflikbeslegting in sowel die DRK as Angola gespeel. Verskeie ooreenkomste en verkille tussen die twee gevallestudies het uit die navorsing na vore gekom. Dit blyk dat Namibië ’n tweeledige benadering tot vredestigting volg: Die land onderneem diplomatieke sowel as militêre optrede. Verder het die studie bevind dat Namibië sy rol as konflikbeslegter in die twee gevalle wat ondersoek is op ’n skugter manier vervul het. Dit is om te sê dat die benadering was ietwat geheimsinnig al is dit besig om openbare kennis later. Hoewel alle gevalle as geslaagd beskou kan word aan die hand van die oogmerke en die uiteindelike uitkomste, het die studie bevind dat vredestigting in Angola geslaagder was as in die DRK. Hierdie vergelykende uiteensetting word dus aangebied vir diegene wat Namibië se benadering tot vredestigting in die streek wil verstaan, en dien terselfdertyd as grondslag vir toekomstige studies.

This thesis examines the viability of the concept of political liberalism. Since its emergence, the idea of a purely political liberalism has been the subject of a voluminous amount of discourse and debate. The concept of political liberalism has been presented as both a solution to the problems of justice and political stability troubling liberal democracies and an exemplar of all that is wrong with contemporary political philosophy; it has, quite literally, altered the landscape and the vernacular of contemporary political theory. Herein it is argued that, despite the significant amount of literature that has been devoted to the analysis of the idea of a purely political liberalism, the idea itself has yet to be subjected to the type of critique that is required if one is to assess its viability effectively. Though there have been a number of contemporary political theorists who have developed conceptions of political liberalism which they believe differ in important ways from those of their doctrinal colleagues, detailed analyses of the concept of political liberalism have and remain focussed almost exclusively on a single formulation: namely, Rawlsian political liberalism. This singular focus has precluded the completion of a comprehensive assessment of the viability of the concept (as opposed to a single conception) of political liberalism as represented both by Rawlsian and non-Rawlsian models. This thesis confronts this problem by expanding the scope of investigation to include a fulsome examination of other prominent paradigmatic conceptions of political liberalism namely, those developed by Charles Larmore and Judith Shklar and in so doing provides a more inclusive and, subsequently, thorough critique than has previously been offered. Adopting such an approach reveals that, despite protestations to the contrary, the prominent paradigmatic conceptions of political liberalism are sufficiently similar in all important respects to enable their conflation for the purpose of analysis; and when subjected to a thorough analysis, the idea of a purely political liberalism proves itself to be untenable. / Political Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Politics)

The thesis poses the question of how one can stabilize a state through external intervention without destabilizing sovereignty. The study critically examines the justifications for international and regional interventions in the cases of Liberia and Burundi through a social constructivist framework. The main objective of the thesis is to enhance the understanding of how sovereignty is interpreted during non-aggressive interventions, both from a theoretical perspective through analysis of official discourses and from a practical perspective through interviews with external and internal actors in the field. The thesis argues that it may be more fruitful for future studies to question the aim of these interventions, rather than ask how to improve them. The study finds that rather than reinforce the sovereignty, these interventions neutralize states subject to external intervention in the sense that they become dependent on external capacity to maintain their stability, thereby maintaining peace and order in the international arena. The conclusion is that these interventions remain both controversial and paradoxical and the stated aim of reinforcing the state's sovereignty is questionable at best. / Doctorat en sciences politiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Thesis (MA) -- Stellenbosch University, 2006. / Includes bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The nature of conflict in Africa has changed from the Cold War to the post-cold War era. This is evident in the internal and external factors and actors involved within the conflict dynamics. During the Cold War era politics and the quest for control of the state formed the basis for conflicts in Africa, from anti-colonial wars of independence and liberation struggles to secessionist attempts. In the post-Cold War era with the loss of external superpower support, this has changed with the growing significance of identity politics, and conflicts based on the differences of ethnicity, religion and the quest for the control of resources and land, characterised by extreme violence and the rise of actors other than the state, within failed and collapsed states. These conflicts have thus presented challenges to the United Nations (UN) in relation to its traditional means of maintaining international peace and security, and the internal dynamics of the decision-making processes, political will and accompanying resources and financial factors within the organisation. The challenges faced by the UN in Africa therefore lie not only within the nature of conflict and the nature of the African state but also within the internal constraints inherent within the organisation itself. The conflicts in Mozambique and Rwanda respectively represent how the nature of conflict has changed in Africa from the Cold War to the post-Cold War era and both illustrate the challenges the UN has faced in light of the changing nature of African conflict. While Mozambique offers an example of a typical Cold War conflict, based on the quest for control of the state and exacerbated by superpower support, Rwanda represents an example of a typical post-Cold War internal conflict based on identity politics and extreme violence manifest as genocide. By comparing and contrasting these two conflicts, and the subsequent involvement of UN peace maintenance operations in these conflicts, this thesis offers a comparative study of "old" and "new" wars in Africa in order that a better understanding of the nature of conflict in Africa can be reached and to illustrate the challenges faced by the UN in light of this changing nature of conflict. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die aard van konflik in Afrika het vanaf die tydperk van die Koue Oorlog tot die na-Koue Oorlog tydperk aansienlik verander. Dit is in die innerlike en uiterlike faktore en akteurs wat by die konflik betrokke is waarneembaar. Gedurende die Koue Oorlog tydperk was interstaatlike konflik 'n hoofkenmerk. Dit was ook die fase van antikoloniale oorloë wat dikwels met eksterne steun geveg is. In die na-Koue Oorlog tydperk met die verlies van uiterlike supermoondheid ondersteuning, het interne konflik binne swak state dikwels oor die beheer van skaars hulpbronne, of oor identiteit en griewe gegaan. Die konflik het uitdagings aan die Verenigde Nasies (VN) gestel wie se vredesregime kwalik vir rebelle en kindersoldate voorsiening gemaak het. Dit het ook eise gestel aan die politieke wilskrag van lede van die Veiligheidsraad om in dergelike konflikte betrokke te raak. Die uitdaging vir die VN in Afrika lê dus nie net in die aard van konflik en die aard van die staat in Afrika wat verander het nie, maar ook in nuwe eise vir vrede. Die twee gevallestudies van die konflik in Mosambiek en Rwanda demonstreer hoe hierdie aard van konflik verander het, en hoe moeilik dit is om vrede te maak waar akteurs (rolspelers) kwalik binne konvensionele raamwerke hanteer kan word. Waar Mosambiek 'n voorbeeld van 'n tipiese Koue Oorlogse konflik was - stryd vir die beheer oor die staat en aangevuur deur supermoonhede, is Ruanda weer 'n meer eietydse voorbeeld van 'n tipiese na-Koue Oorlogse interne konflik, gebaseer op identiteitspolitiek wat met ekstreme geweld en volksmoord gepaard gegaan het. Hierdie tesis bied 'n vergelykende studie van sulke "ou" en "nuwe" oorloë in Afrika en bied moontlik 'n beter begrip van die aard en oplossing van sulke konflikte wat by uitstek nuwe uitdagings aan die tradisionele opvattings van die VN stel.