Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Somalia continues to intrigue scholars and policy-makers around the world, due to the fact that it is enduring what few others have, total state collapse. Not only does the situation defy easy explanation, the degree of state failure is unprecedented. After more than two decades without a functioning central authority, Somalia is now the longest-running instance of state collapse in postcolonial history. While researching and understanding state weakness and state failure is critical, it is useless unless combined with devising ways to prevent state failure in the future. Somalia provides policy makers with a unique opportunity to study the consequences of state collapse. Understanding the complex dynamics of state weakness and state collapse could ultimately help save the lives of thousands of people on the African continent. This study focuses on the mechanisms of coping by analysing the actors who have stepped up to fill the political vacuum left behind by the collapsing state. The role played by both state and non-state actors will be explored throughout this study. As it is not possible to address every actor who has played a part in Somalia since the implosion of the state in 1991, only the three most important internal and external actors will be analysed. The role played by the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) will be discussed at length. The contributions made by neighbouring country Ethiopia, will also be investigated. Although the contributions and the impact of these external actors have in some instances led to undesired results, it does not change the fact that these actors attempted to fill the void in Somalia. Non-state actors positions within Somalia will also be examined in detailed. These actors include regional authorities, the role of Al-Shabaab, as well as the Islamic Courts Union. The study does not excuse the behaviour of these actors but rather discusses the rise of these organizations in light of the collapsing state and the position which they have taken up in Somalia to fill the political void. Lastly the role of the “Somali coast guards” also known as the Somali pirates, will be discussed.ipti / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Somalië bly die brandpunt van belangstelling vir geleerdes en beleidmakers dwarsoor die wêreld. Die hoofrede hiervoor is dat hierdie land ervaar het wat min ander lande het, naamlik algehele ineenstorting van die staat en bestuur. ‘n Maklike verduideliking of vereenvoudiging van die situasie is daar nie, want die ongeëwenaarde ineenstorting van stuktuur en staat, van Somalië is uniek. Twee dekades later is hierdie land nogsteeds sonder ‘n funksioneerende gesetelde staatsgesag. Hierdie tydperk is die langste voorbeeld van staatsineenstorting sonder herstel in post-koloniale geskiedenis. Navorsing en insig in elke staat se inherente swakhede en probleme help om mislukte bestuur te voorspel en te voorkom. Hierdie inligting moet korrek geimplimenteer en geinterpreteer word om krissise en mislukkings binne staatsbestel te verhoed. Somalië bied beleidmakers ‘n unieke geleentheid om die gevolge van totale staatsineenstorting te bestudeer en daaruit te leer. Net deur middel van begrip vir die komplekse dinamika van ‘n staat wat ineenstort en deur wanbestuur verswak word, sal daar uikoms vir duisende mense op hierdie vasteland kom. Sodoende sal ontelbare lewens in Afrika gered kan word. Hierdie studie analiseer die tegnieke van aanpassing, gebruik deur die rolspelers wat die politieke vakuum vul, wat deur die staatineenstorting nagelaat is. Die ondersoek fokus ook op die impak en effekte van beide interne en eksterne rolspelers. Aangesien dit onmoontlik is om die aandeel wat elke rolspeler sedert die ineenstorting van Somalië in 1991 gehad het te bestudeer, word net die drie belangrikste interne en eksterne rolspelers bespreek. Die Verenigde Nasies (VN), Afrika Unie (AU) en die buurland Ethiopië se bydraes sal ondersoek word. Alhoewel die bydraes en insette van hierdie eksterne rolspelers soms tot ongewenste resultate gelei het, bly die feit staan dat hulle probeer het om die leemtes in Somalië te vul. Ander belangrike rolspelers wat nie deel van die plaaslike regering is nie, sal ook in diepte bespreek word. Hierdie invloede binne Somalië sluit streeksowerhede in, asook die rol van Al Shabaab en die Islamitiese Howe Unie. Die studie verskoon nie die gedrag van die rolspelers nie, maar bespreek eerder die opkoms van hierdie organisasies. Dit word alles gesien in die lig van die ineenstorting van die staat en die posisie wat hulle in Somalië geneem het om mag te bekom en die politieke leemte te vul. Ten slotte word die omstrede rol van die "Somaliese kuswagte", anders bekend as Somaliese seerowers, bespreek.

Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / This study undertakes to look at the relationship between peace agreements and the violence that follows these agreements. Throughout modern history, there are examples of peace agreements between two warring internal factions that ended in post-conflict violence and in extreme cases, to the end of the peace agreement. It does not necessarily lead to full out war, but can manifest in riots, like Malaysia and criminal violence in South Africa. This study attempts to compare both South Africa and Malaysia by looking specifically at the reasons for post conflict violence. South Africa has faced a growing problem with violent crime after the negotiations of the early 1990’s and its result, the new constitution of 1993, that functioned as the peace agreement. Malaysia moved through several constitutions to arrive at their constitution of 1957 that which viewed as their constitutional agreement. This constitutional agreement went to great lengths to protect the sons of the soil, the bumiputra. The uneasy peace only lasted until 1969, when race riots followed the general elections and left hundreds dead or injured. By studying South Africa and Malaysia and looking at the underlying factors of violence, with special focus on ethnic factors and especially poverty, can we move closer to the underlying causes of post conflict violence. Malaysia tried to address these problems by making constitutional amendments, following the 1969 riots. These amendments were implemented in 1972. Since then the problem of post conflict violence has been addressed to some extent. There are however, still factors of violence that have not been completely eradicated, that might lead to a flaring of violence again one day. The question that this thesis tries to address in the end is, if we need to consider and implement constitutional amendments, like Malaysia, to address our growing problem of post conflict violence. I attempt here to answer this question, comparing the histories of South Africa and Malaysia and the underlying factors of violence to see exactly how similar these states are and if the same solution can work for both.

Thesis (MComm)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Almost all enterprises, individuals and organisations face some form of political risk on a continuous basis. In the past, mines have been lost, terrorist attacks have been devastating, and financial markets have experienced large losses due to political risk factors. We live in an ever-increasing politically insecure world where political risk factors and the analysis thereof receive increasing attention from both international and domestic establishments. From a business perspective, making the correct business decisions and determining the appropriate risk management strategy consequently are crucial to the success of an enterprise, due to the ever-present nature of political risk factors in the business environment. Especially in the emerging market economies of the world, political risk is an important phenomenon. In such emerging market economies, political risk factors could play a role that is as important as the economic factors that are decisive in the performance of markets. It is well known that the emerging market economies of the world have been the main recipients of foreign direct investments. A closer study of these economies has indicated that the majority of such investments have gone to the so-called BRICS countries (the Federative Republic of Brazil, the Russian Federation, the Republic of India, the People‟s Republic of China, and the Republic of South Africa). After having studied the political and economic environments of the BRICS countries, it was concluded that ten political risk factors are common to these countries, namely nationalisation, confiscation, creeping expropriation, currency inconvertibility, breach of contract, non-honouring of government guarantees, war, violent civil unrest, non-violent civil unrest and terrorism. These political risk factors were investigated in a South African context by means of an empirical survey. A census was undertaken that consisted of structured personal interviews (based on a questionnaire) that were pre-arranged with most of the agents who sell Sasria insurance on behalf of Sasria Ltd. These agents mainly were conventional short-term insurers who handled claims on behalf of Sasria Ltd., which placed them in an excellent position to provide the study with valuable information. Violent civil unrest and non-violent civil unrest have not only been the political risk factors that had the most important impact on the total annual claims amount of the respondents over the past five years, but have also been the political risk factors that most frequently resulted in claims. It therefore did not come as a surprise that these were the two political risk factors for which there had been the highest level of demand for cover over the past five years. In terms of the importance of impact, the frequency of claims and the demand for cover, violent civil unrest and non-violent civil unrest are expected to remain the two most important political risk factors in South Africa over the next five years. When compared to the past five years, all the political risk factors (excluding breach of contract) are expected to have an increased impact in South Africa over the next five years. They are also expected to present an equal number or more claims in general. While excluding war and terrorism, the expectation is that the demand for cover against them will generally remain at the same level, but may increase. The South African short-term insurance industry generally faces considerable challenges regarding the cover provided against political risk factors to the public and businesses in South Africa. The industry and the South African public therefore need to be aware of the impact that various political risk factors have on the cover that is provided. This research study should assist the executives of short-term insurance in making better risk management decisions and exercising better control over their responsibilities regarding specific political risk factors in South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Feitlik alle ondernemings, individue en organisasies kom voortdurend voor een of ander politieke risiko te staan. In die verlede was daar verlies van myne, terroriste-aanvalle het verwoesting gesaai en finansiële markte het groot skade gely vanweë politieke risikofaktore. Ons bevind onsself in 'n wêreld van toenemende politieke onsekerheid waarin internasionale sowel as binnelandse instellings meer en meer aandag aan politieke risikofaktore en die ontleding daarvan wy. Vanuit 'n sakeperspektief word korrekte besigheidsbesluitneming en die vasstelling van toepaslike risikobestuurstrategië vanweë die voortdurende teenwoordigheid van politieke risikofaktore binne die sake-omgewing gevolglik van uiterste belang vir die sukses van 'n onderneming. Politieke risiko is veral in die ontluikende mark-ekonomieë van die wêreld 'n belangrike verskynsel. In hierdie ontluikende mark-ekonomieë kan politieke risikofaktore 'n rol speel wat net so belangrik is as die ekonomiese faktore wat deurslaggewend is ten opsigte van hoe markte presteer. Dit is welbekend dat die ontluikende mark-ekonomieë van die wêreld die vernaamste ontvangers van buitelandse direkte beleggings is. 'n Nadere beskouing van hierdie ekonomieë het getoon dat die meerderheid van sulke beleggings na die sogenaamde BRICS-lande (die Bondsrepubliek van Brasilië, die Russiese Federasie, die Republiek van Indië, die Volksrepubliek van China en die Republiek van Suid-Afrika) gaan. 'n Studie van die politieke en ekonomiese omgewings van die BRICS-lande het tot die gevolgtrekking gelei dat hierdie lande tien politieke risikofaktore in gemeen het, naamlik nasionalisering, beslaglegging, kruipende onteiening, onverwisselbaarheid van valuta, kontrakbreuk, nie-nakoming van regeringswaarborge, oorlog, gewelddadige burgerlike onrus, nie-gewelddadige burgerlike onrus, en terrorisme. Hierdie politieke risikofaktore is met behulp van 'n empiriese ondersoek binne die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks ondersoek. Gestruktureerde persoonlike onderhoude (wat op 'n vraelys gebaseer was), is gebruik om 'n sensus te onderneem. Hierdie onderhoude is vooraf met agente wat Sasria-versekering namens Sasria Bpk. verkoop, gereël. Die agente was hoofsaaklik konvensionele korttermyn-versekeraars wat alle eise namens Sasria Bpk. hanteer. Hulle was dus in 'n uitstekende posisie om die studie van waardevolle inligting te voorsien.

Thesis (PhD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the title suggests, the major challenge that this study faces is to set out and design a model for analysing and enabling the management of political risk as investment risk - a model that is both sensitive to and reflective of the comprehensive business and investment climate in a country, not only credit or country risk, or only pure political risk in its narrowest definition. In reading about past and more recent research in the field of political risk analysis, it becomes clear that many authors begin by noting the diversity and the discrepancies of the existing definitions of political risk, but evidence in political risk insurance shows that the major perceived political risks that investors insure their interests against seem to be confiscation, expropriation and nationalisation. In the light of this study's findings though, a case can be put forward for urging that the conceptualisation of political risk be extended to further include any or all of the micro political risk factors and their indicators that have been identified to ensure that political events do not impact negatively on a foreign company's profitability. Foreign investors put assets at risk to achieve their objectives and the assessment of these risks, including political risks, is the key to successful operations. Opportunities and risks are often two sides of the same coin and political risk comprises a large part of the environmental forces in terms of the management challenges a Multinational Company (MNC) faces in any investment climate. A firm's foreign investment strategy deals with the positioning of the organisation in an uncertain host country environment and investment climate. This study attempts to explain how a firm's political risk exposure, which refers to the sensitivity of a firm's projected profitability and operationability in a host country to changes in the investment climate, could be managed and reduced. It is hoped that political risk analysis and management can assist foreign operations in managing the risks that might have otherwise proven to be destructive to profitability and operationability. It is irresponsible to present a potential investor with a risk assessment that does not incorporate political risk factors and their indicators, let alone environmental, societal and socio-economic risk factor indicators. Ultimately any business climate, regardless of the country being studied, is underwritten by a political system, political climate, political culture and business culture of the system in which foreign business wishes to operate profitably. What is often labelled as unnecessary and irrelevant detail in risk analysis often results in a lack of using micro risk factors and their indicators and an underestimation of the importance of such micro risk indicators. Hopefully this study takes up the challenge of showing that political risk can be managed and political risk analysis can be made more precise - that it is possible to measure and manage political risk. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Soos die titel van hierdie studie voorstel is een van die grootste uitdagings die ontwerp van 'n model vir die analise van politieke risiko as beleggingsrisiko - 'n model wat ter selfde tyd sensitief is vir en weerspieëlend van 'n land se algemeen omvattende besigheids- en beleggingsklimaat, en nie slegs suiwer politieke risiko in die nouste sin van die woord nie. 'n Literatuurstudie van meer onlangse navorsing, asook navorsing wat in die verlede gedoen is oor politieke risiko en die analise daarvan, dui daarop dat baie outeurs melding maak van die diversiteit en teenstrydighede in die bestaande definisies van politieke risiko. Die teenwoordigheid van versekering teen politieke risiko wys egter daarop dat die primêre politieke risiko's waarteen beleggers hulle belange verseker meesal nasionalisering en onteiening is, asook die beslaglegging op beleggings. Teen die agtergrond van hierdie studie se bevindinge, kan daar egter 'n saak uitgemaak word vir die verbreeding van die konseptualisering van politieke risiko om enige of alle van die mikro-politieke risiko faktorindikatore wat in hierdie studie identifiseer word in te sluit, om sodoende te verseker dat die negatiewe gevolge wat politieke gebeure moontlik mag inhou vir 'n buitelandse maatskappy se belange, sover moontlik beperk word. Buitelandse beleggers stel bates bloot aan risiko's ten einde voorafgestelde doelwitte te bereik en die assessering van hierdie risiko's, insluitende politieke risiko's, is 'n groot bydraende' faktor tot die suksesvolle bedryf van buitelandse beleggings. Geleenthede en risiko's is dikwels twee kante van diesIefde muntstuk en politieke risiko maak 'n groot deel uit van die uitdagende beleggingsomgewing waarin die bestuur van 'n multinasionale korporasie (MNK) daagliks moet funksioneer. 'n Maatskappy se buitelandse beleggingstrategie handel met die posisionering van die organisasie in die onvoorspelbare beleggingsklimaat van 'n vreemde land. Hierdie studie poog ook om te verduidelik hoe die mate waarin 'n firma blootgestel word aan politieke risiko, met ander woorde die sensitiwiteit van 'n firma se voorgenome winsgewendheid en bedryf teenoor veranderinge in die beleggingsklimaat van 'n vreemde land, bestuur en verminder kan word. Daar word gehoop dat politieke risiko analise en die bestuur daarvan 'n bydra kan lewer tot buitelandse besighede se bestuur van hierdie risiko's, wat andersins 'n vemietgende impak kan hê op die winsgewendheid van buitelandse bedrywighede. Dit is onverantwoordelik om aan 'n buitelandse belegger 'n risiko analise voor te lê wat nie politieke risiko faktore en die daarmee gepaardgaande indikatore insluit nie. Die studie argumenteer verder dat faktorindikatore wat die fisiese omgewing, sosiale asook sosio-ekonomiese faktore aanspreek ook in 'n risiko analise ingesluit moet word. Oplaas is enige besigheidsklimaat, nieteenstaande die land wat bestudeer word, onderskryf deur 'n politieke stelsel, politieke klimaat, politieke kultuur en besigheidskultuur van die stelsel waarin die buitelandse besigheid winsgewende resultate as doelwit het. Wat dikwels beskou word as onnodige en irrelevante detail in risiko analise lei dikwels tot 'n gebrek aan die insluiting van mikro-risiko faktore en hulle indikatore weens 'n onderskatting van die noodsaaklikheid daarvan om juis sulke mikro-risiko faktorindikatore in 'n risiko analise in te bou. Hierdie studie aanvaar hopelik die uitdaging om te wys dat politieke risiko tog bestuur kan word en dat politieke risiko analise tog meer eksak gemaak kan word - dat dit wel moontlik is om politieke risiko te meet en bestuur.

The Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party was established in Syria during the mid-twentieth century, originally championing Arab unity and freedom from foreign influence. The party eventually managed to rise to power in Syria and Iraq, thereby concluding the widespread political instability that had previously plagued both countries. In each of these contexts, autocratic leaders emerged at the forefront of the ruling regimes and manipulated the party to bolster their rule for over three decades. This paper examines the Ba’ath party’s history and ideology to understand the party’s source of strength. It also discusses the party’s role in achieving power as well as the different functions it undertook in Syria and Iraq once autocratic rule was established. Finally, it studies the fall of both regimes and the status of the Ba’ath party today.

Šiuolaikinė Centrinė Azija (CA / Kazachstanas, Uzbekistanas, Kyrgyzstanas, Tadžikistanas ir Turkmėnistanas) yra tarptautiniu mastu ekonomine ir saugumo prasme svarbus regionas. Jo didžiausia problema – ilgalaikio politinio stabilumo, kuris tapo disertacijos objektu, stoka. Atitinkamai, disertacijos tikslas buvo nustatyti pagrindines esamo ir potencialaus Centrinės Azijos valstybių nestabilumo priežastis, detaliai atskleisti jų esmę ir pasiūlyti efektyvią ilgalaikio stabilumo CA šalyse užtikrinimo koncepciją. Stabilumas studijoje apibrėžtas kaip revoliucijos bei objektyvios / subjektyvios (psichologinės) socio-politinės ir socio-ekonominės nepasitenkinimo valdžia bazės kaip revoliucijos prielaidos ir sąlygos atskiroje šalyje nebuvimas. Palankesnės sąlygos bet kokiai revoliucijai (klasikinei ar „spalvotai“), kaip teigiama disertacijoje, susidaro pereinamojo laikotarpio visuomenėse, neturinčiose gilių istorinių valstybingumo tradicijų, kaip tai yra CA valstybėse. Todėl buvo padaryta išvada, kad sėkmingas valstybės (kaip etninio-pilietinio ir institucinio darinio) „kūrimas“ yra fundamentali prevencinė revoliucijos (nestabilumo) ir jos prielaidų atsiradimo sąlyga, prezidentinių Centrinės Azijos šalių režimų valdymo sistemos organizavimo metu taikant socio-politinio korporatizmo principą. Jo esmė – konsensualinė valstybės valdančiojo elito politika, tenkinant ne vien savo, bet ir visuomeninius socio-ekonominius poreikius, kas turėtų užtikrinti ilgalaikį politinių CA šalių sistemų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or “colorful”), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) “building” is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the... [to full text]

Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or “colorful”), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) “building” is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the... [to full text] / Šiuolaikinė Centrinė Azija (CA / Kazachstanas, Uzbekistanas, Kyrgyzstanas, Tadžikistanas ir Turkmėnistanas) yra tarptautiniu mastu ekonomine ir saugumo prasme svarbus regionas. Jo didžiausia problema – ilgalaikio politinio stabilumo, kuris tapo disertacijos objektu, stoka. Atitinkamai, disertacijos tikslas buvo nustatyti pagrindines esamo ir potencialaus Centrinės Azijos valstybių nestabilumo priežastis, detaliai atskleisti jų esmę ir pasiūlyti efektyvią ilgalaikio stabilumo CA šalyse užtikrinimo koncepciją. Stabilumas studijoje apibrėžtas kaip revoliucijos bei objektyvios / subjektyvios (psichologinės) socio-politinės ir socio-ekonominės nepasitenkinimo valdžia bazės kaip revoliucijos prielaidos ir sąlygos atskiroje šalyje nebuvimas. Palankesnės sąlygos bet kokiai revoliucijai (klasikinei ar „spalvotai“), kaip teigiama disertacijoje, susidaro pereinamojo laikotarpio visuomenėse, neturinčiose gilių istorinių valstybingumo tradicijų, kaip tai yra CA valstybėse. Todėl buvo padaryta išvada, kad sėkmingas valstybės (kaip etninio-pilietinio ir institucinio darinio) „kūrimas“ yra fundamentali prevencinė revoliucijos (nestabilumo) ir jos prielaidų atsiradimo sąlyga, prezidentinių Centrinės Azijos šalių režimų valdymo sistemos organizavimo metu taikant socio-politinio korporatizmo principą. Jo esmė – konsensualinė valstybės valdančiojo elito politika, tenkinant ne vien savo, bet ir visuomeninius socio-ekonominius poreikius, kas turėtų užtikrinti ilgalaikį politinių CA šalių sistemų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

This study attempts to make a contribution to the debate on the role of South Africa within Southern African Development Community. An attempt is made to analyse this role within the context of regional integration debate. This role has been conceptualised within the dichotomies of hegemon versus partner. The study argues that South Africa is a hegemon in the region of SADC, and that given its overarching economic dominance and it has the potential of establishing its hegemony in the region. It maintains that there are several factors, which could facilitate South Africa's hegemonic dominance such as in military, technology and manufacturing sector. It concludes by arguing that given the changing geopolitical factors both within the region and the globe impedes South Africa from firmly expressing this hegemonic dominance. Furthermore, South Africa's pioneering role in the struggle to change the status quo globally in favour of the Southern states is another crucial factor, which imposes limitations on its hegemonic intentions regionally.

This study examines the wide-ranging and critical factors which have impacted on the African National Congress' (ANC) emerging foreign investment policy. It identifies and analyses the matrix of political and socio-economic factors which have combined at global and national levels to shape ANC policy perspectives towards foreign direct investment (FDI). In so doing, the study adopts an eclectic theoretical and methodological approach. It draws on various theoretical traditions to propose a framework that is heuristic and contingent, rather than axiomatic. With regard to foreign investment, in particular, it recommends a theoretical pluralism emphasising 'engagement' through praxis and sound political (state) action. The study argues that the ANC has reconsidered many of its basic assumptions on the nature of the post-apartheid economy and discusses the reasons for those shifts. The reasons include, in particular, global political and economic trends and the balance of forces in South Africa. These have combined to ensure the ANC's broad acceptance of an 'open-door policy' towards FDI so long as it occurs on terms not inconsistent with national objectives. The emerging policy sees the state playing an active role in encouraging and guiding FDI to specific areas and sectors supportive of broad-based development. Foreign investors will be encouraged to form joint ventures with emerging black businesses and agree to foster training, skills development and affirmative action. Harnessing the benefits of FDI will be important for the success of wider strategies designed to place the economy on a firmer, more sustainable growth path.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished