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Filling the political void : the mechanisms of coping in stateless SomaliaLubbe, Lesley 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2011. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Somalia continues to intrigue scholars and policy-makers around the world, due to the
fact that it is enduring what few others have, total state collapse. Not only does the
situation defy easy explanation, the degree of state failure is unprecedented. After
more than two decades without a functioning central authority, Somalia is now the
longest-running instance of state collapse in postcolonial history.
While researching and understanding state weakness and state failure is critical, it is
useless unless combined with devising ways to prevent state failure in the future.
Somalia provides policy makers with a unique opportunity to study the consequences
of state collapse. Understanding the complex dynamics of state weakness and state
collapse could ultimately help save the lives of thousands of people on the African
continent.
This study focuses on the mechanisms of coping by analysing the actors who have
stepped up to fill the political vacuum left behind by the collapsing state. The role
played by both state and non-state actors will be explored throughout this study. As it
is not possible to address every actor who has played a part in Somalia since the
implosion of the state in 1991, only the three most important internal and external
actors will be analysed.
The role played by the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) will be
discussed at length. The contributions made by neighbouring country Ethiopia, will
also be investigated. Although the contributions and the impact of these external
actors have in some instances led to undesired results, it does not change the fact that
these actors attempted to fill the void in Somalia.
Non-state actors positions within Somalia will also be examined in detailed. These
actors include regional authorities, the role of Al-Shabaab, as well as the Islamic
Courts Union. The study does not excuse the behaviour of these actors but rather
discusses the rise of these organizations in light of the collapsing state and the
position which they have taken up in Somalia to fill the political void. Lastly the role
of the “Somali coast guards” also known as the Somali pirates, will be discussed.ipti / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Somalië bly die brandpunt van belangstelling vir geleerdes en beleidmakers dwarsoor
die wêreld. Die hoofrede hiervoor is dat hierdie land ervaar het wat min ander lande
het, naamlik algehele ineenstorting van die staat en bestuur. ‘n Maklike
verduideliking of vereenvoudiging van die situasie is daar nie, want die
ongeëwenaarde ineenstorting van stuktuur en staat, van Somalië is uniek. Twee
dekades later is hierdie land nogsteeds sonder ‘n funksioneerende gesetelde
staatsgesag. Hierdie tydperk is die langste voorbeeld van staatsineenstorting sonder
herstel in post-koloniale geskiedenis.
Navorsing en insig in elke staat se inherente swakhede en probleme help om mislukte
bestuur te voorspel en te voorkom. Hierdie inligting moet korrek geimplimenteer en
geinterpreteer word om krissise en mislukkings binne staatsbestel te verhoed. Somalië
bied beleidmakers ‘n unieke geleentheid om die gevolge van totale staatsineenstorting
te bestudeer en daaruit te leer. Net deur middel van begrip vir die komplekse
dinamika van ‘n staat wat ineenstort en deur wanbestuur verswak word, sal daar
uikoms vir duisende mense op hierdie vasteland kom. Sodoende sal ontelbare lewens
in Afrika gered kan word.
Hierdie studie analiseer die tegnieke van aanpassing, gebruik deur die rolspelers wat
die politieke vakuum vul, wat deur die staatineenstorting nagelaat is. Die ondersoek
fokus ook op die impak en effekte van beide interne en eksterne rolspelers. Aangesien
dit onmoontlik is om die aandeel wat elke rolspeler sedert die ineenstorting van
Somalië in 1991 gehad het te bestudeer, word net die drie belangrikste interne en
eksterne rolspelers bespreek.
Die Verenigde Nasies (VN), Afrika Unie (AU) en die buurland Ethiopië se bydraes
sal ondersoek word. Alhoewel die bydraes en insette van hierdie eksterne rolspelers
soms tot ongewenste resultate gelei het, bly die feit staan dat hulle probeer het om die
leemtes in Somalië te vul.
Ander belangrike rolspelers wat nie deel van die plaaslike regering is nie, sal ook in
diepte bespreek word. Hierdie invloede binne Somalië sluit streeksowerhede in, asook
die rol van Al Shabaab en die Islamitiese Howe Unie. Die studie verskoon nie die gedrag van die rolspelers nie, maar bespreek eerder die opkoms van hierdie
organisasies. Dit word alles gesien in die lig van die ineenstorting van die staat en die
posisie wat hulle in Somalië geneem het om mag te bekom en die politieke leemte te
vul. Ten slotte word die omstrede rol van die "Somaliese kuswagte", anders bekend as
Somaliese seerowers, bespreek.
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Suid-Afrika, Maleisie en post skikkingsgeweld : konstitusionele wysigings as oplossing vir geweld?Haasbroek, Mart-Marie 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / This study undertakes to look at the relationship between peace agreements and the
violence that follows these agreements. Throughout modern history, there are
examples of peace agreements between two warring internal factions that ended in
post-conflict violence and in extreme cases, to the end of the peace agreement. It
does not necessarily lead to full out war, but can manifest in riots, like Malaysia and
criminal violence in South Africa. This study attempts to compare both South Africa
and Malaysia by looking specifically at the reasons for post conflict violence. South
Africa has faced a growing problem with violent crime after the negotiations of the
early 1990’s and its result, the new constitution of 1993, that functioned as the peace
agreement. Malaysia moved through several constitutions to arrive at their
constitution of 1957 that which viewed as their constitutional agreement. This
constitutional agreement went to great lengths to protect the sons of the soil, the
bumiputra. The uneasy peace only lasted until 1969, when race riots followed the
general elections and left hundreds dead or injured.
By studying South Africa and Malaysia and looking at the underlying factors of
violence, with special focus on ethnic factors and especially poverty, can we move
closer to the underlying causes of post conflict violence. Malaysia tried to address
these problems by making constitutional amendments, following the 1969 riots.
These amendments were implemented in 1972. Since then the problem of post
conflict violence has been addressed to some extent. There are however, still factors
of violence that have not been completely eradicated, that might lead to a flaring of
violence again one day. The question that this thesis tries to address in the end is, if
we need to consider and implement constitutional amendments, like Malaysia, to
address our growing problem of post conflict violence. I attempt here to answer this
question, comparing the histories of South Africa and Malaysia and the underlying
factors of violence to see exactly how similar these states are and if the same
solution can work for both.
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Short-term insurance of political risks in South AfricaEssel, Rudolf 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MComm)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Almost all enterprises, individuals and organisations face some form of political risk on a continuous basis. In the past, mines have been lost, terrorist attacks have been devastating, and financial markets have experienced large losses due to political risk factors. We live in an ever-increasing politically insecure world where political risk factors and the analysis thereof receive increasing attention from both international and domestic establishments. From a business perspective, making the correct business decisions and determining the appropriate risk management strategy consequently are crucial to the success of an enterprise, due to the ever-present nature of political risk factors in the business environment. Especially in the emerging market economies of the world, political risk is an important phenomenon. In such emerging market economies, political risk factors could play a role that is as important as the economic factors that are decisive in the performance of markets. It is well known that the emerging market economies of the world have been the main recipients of foreign direct investments. A closer study of these economies has indicated that the majority of such investments have gone to the so-called BRICS countries (the Federative Republic of Brazil, the Russian Federation, the Republic of India, the People‟s Republic of China, and the Republic of South Africa). After having studied the political and economic environments of the BRICS countries, it was concluded that ten political risk factors are common to these countries, namely nationalisation, confiscation, creeping expropriation, currency inconvertibility, breach of contract, non-honouring of government guarantees, war, violent civil unrest, non-violent civil unrest and terrorism. These political risk factors were investigated in a South African context by means of an empirical survey. A census was undertaken that consisted of structured personal interviews (based on a questionnaire) that were pre-arranged with most of the agents who sell Sasria insurance on behalf of Sasria Ltd. These agents mainly were conventional short-term insurers who handled claims on behalf of Sasria Ltd., which placed them in an excellent position to provide the study with valuable information.
Violent civil unrest and non-violent civil unrest have not only been the political risk factors that had the most important impact on the total annual claims amount of the respondents over the past five years, but have also been the political risk factors that most frequently resulted in claims. It therefore did not come as a surprise that these were the two political risk factors for which there had been the highest level of demand for cover over the past five years. In terms of the importance of impact, the frequency of claims and the demand for cover, violent civil unrest and non-violent civil unrest are expected to remain the two most important political risk factors in South Africa over the next five years. When compared to the past five years, all the political risk factors (excluding breach of contract) are expected to have an increased impact in South Africa over the next five years. They are also expected to present an equal number or more claims in general. While excluding war and terrorism, the expectation is that the demand for cover against them will generally remain at the same level, but may increase. The South African short-term insurance industry generally faces considerable challenges regarding the cover provided against political risk factors to the public and businesses in South Africa. The industry and the South African public therefore need to be aware of the impact that various political risk factors have on the cover that is provided. This research study should assist the executives of short-term insurance in making better risk management decisions and exercising better control over their responsibilities regarding specific political risk factors in South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Feitlik alle ondernemings, individue en organisasies kom voortdurend voor een of ander politieke risiko te staan. In die verlede was daar verlies van myne, terroriste-aanvalle het verwoesting gesaai en finansiële markte het groot skade gely vanweë politieke risikofaktore. Ons bevind onsself in 'n wêreld van toenemende politieke onsekerheid waarin internasionale sowel as binnelandse instellings meer en meer aandag aan politieke risikofaktore en die ontleding daarvan wy. Vanuit 'n sakeperspektief word korrekte besigheidsbesluitneming en die vasstelling van toepaslike risikobestuurstrategië vanweë die voortdurende teenwoordigheid van politieke risikofaktore binne die sake-omgewing gevolglik van uiterste belang vir die sukses van 'n onderneming. Politieke risiko is veral in die ontluikende mark-ekonomieë van die wêreld 'n belangrike verskynsel. In hierdie ontluikende mark-ekonomieë kan politieke risikofaktore 'n rol speel wat net so belangrik is as die ekonomiese faktore wat deurslaggewend is ten opsigte van hoe markte presteer. Dit is welbekend dat die ontluikende mark-ekonomieë van die wêreld die vernaamste ontvangers van buitelandse direkte beleggings is. 'n Nadere beskouing van hierdie ekonomieë het getoon dat die meerderheid van sulke beleggings na die sogenaamde BRICS-lande (die Bondsrepubliek van Brasilië, die Russiese Federasie, die Republiek van Indië, die Volksrepubliek van China en die Republiek van Suid-Afrika) gaan.
'n Studie van die politieke en ekonomiese omgewings van die BRICS-lande het tot die gevolgtrekking gelei dat hierdie lande tien politieke risikofaktore in gemeen het, naamlik nasionalisering, beslaglegging, kruipende onteiening, onverwisselbaarheid van valuta, kontrakbreuk, nie-nakoming van regeringswaarborge, oorlog, gewelddadige burgerlike onrus, nie-gewelddadige burgerlike onrus, en terrorisme. Hierdie politieke risikofaktore is met behulp van 'n empiriese ondersoek binne die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks ondersoek. Gestruktureerde persoonlike onderhoude (wat op 'n vraelys gebaseer was), is gebruik om 'n sensus te onderneem. Hierdie onderhoude is vooraf met agente wat Sasria-versekering namens Sasria Bpk. verkoop, gereël. Die agente was hoofsaaklik konvensionele korttermyn-versekeraars wat alle eise namens Sasria Bpk. hanteer. Hulle was dus in 'n uitstekende posisie om die studie van waardevolle inligting te voorsien.
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Measuring political risk as risks to foreign investment : a computer-assisted model for analysing and managing political riskBrink, Charlotte H. 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (PhD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: As the title suggests, the major challenge that this study faces is to set out and design a model for
analysing and enabling the management of political risk as investment risk - a model that is both sensitive
to and reflective of the comprehensive business and investment climate in a country, not only credit or
country risk, or only pure political risk in its narrowest definition.
In reading about past and more recent research in the field of political risk analysis, it becomes clear that
many authors begin by noting the diversity and the discrepancies of the existing definitions of political
risk, but evidence in political risk insurance shows that the major perceived political risks that investors
insure their interests against seem to be confiscation, expropriation and nationalisation. In the light of this
study's findings though, a case can be put forward for urging that the conceptualisation of political risk be
extended to further include any or all of the micro political risk factors and their indicators that have been
identified to ensure that political events do not impact negatively on a foreign company's profitability.
Foreign investors put assets at risk to achieve their objectives and the assessment of these risks, including
political risks, is the key to successful operations. Opportunities and risks are often two sides of the same
coin and political risk comprises a large part of the environmental forces in terms of the management
challenges a Multinational Company (MNC) faces in any investment climate.
A firm's foreign investment strategy deals with the positioning of the organisation in an uncertain host
country environment and investment climate. This study attempts to explain how a firm's political risk
exposure, which refers to the sensitivity of a firm's projected profitability and operationability in a host
country to changes in the investment climate, could be managed and reduced. It is hoped that political
risk analysis and management can assist foreign operations in managing the risks that might have
otherwise proven to be destructive to profitability and operationability.
It is irresponsible to present a potential investor with a risk assessment that does not incorporate political
risk factors and their indicators, let alone environmental, societal and socio-economic risk factor
indicators. Ultimately any business climate, regardless of the country being studied, is underwritten by a
political system, political climate, political culture and business culture of the system in which foreign
business wishes to operate profitably.
What is often labelled as unnecessary and irrelevant detail in risk analysis often results in a lack of using
micro risk factors and their indicators and an underestimation of the importance of such micro risk
indicators. Hopefully this study takes up the challenge of showing that political risk can be managed and
political risk analysis can be made more precise - that it is possible to measure and manage political risk. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Soos die titel van hierdie studie voorstel is een van die grootste uitdagings die ontwerp van 'n model vir
die analise van politieke risiko as beleggingsrisiko - 'n model wat ter selfde tyd sensitief is vir en
weerspieëlend van 'n land se algemeen omvattende besigheids- en beleggingsklimaat, en nie slegs suiwer
politieke risiko in die nouste sin van die woord nie.
'n Literatuurstudie van meer onlangse navorsing, asook navorsing wat in die verlede gedoen is oor
politieke risiko en die analise daarvan, dui daarop dat baie outeurs melding maak van die diversiteit en
teenstrydighede in die bestaande definisies van politieke risiko. Die teenwoordigheid van versekering
teen politieke risiko wys egter daarop dat die primêre politieke risiko's waarteen beleggers hulle belange
verseker meesal nasionalisering en onteiening is, asook die beslaglegging op beleggings. Teen die
agtergrond van hierdie studie se bevindinge, kan daar egter 'n saak uitgemaak word vir die verbreeding
van die konseptualisering van politieke risiko om enige of alle van die mikro-politieke risiko
faktorindikatore wat in hierdie studie identifiseer word in te sluit, om sodoende te verseker dat die
negatiewe gevolge wat politieke gebeure moontlik mag inhou vir 'n buitelandse maatskappy se belange,
sover moontlik beperk word.
Buitelandse beleggers stel bates bloot aan risiko's ten einde voorafgestelde doelwitte te bereik en die
assessering van hierdie risiko's, insluitende politieke risiko's, is 'n groot bydraende' faktor tot die
suksesvolle bedryf van buitelandse beleggings. Geleenthede en risiko's is dikwels twee kante van
diesIefde muntstuk en politieke risiko maak 'n groot deel uit van die uitdagende beleggingsomgewing
waarin die bestuur van 'n multinasionale korporasie (MNK) daagliks moet funksioneer.
'n Maatskappy se buitelandse beleggingstrategie handel met die posisionering van die organisasie in die
onvoorspelbare beleggingsklimaat van 'n vreemde land. Hierdie studie poog ook om te verduidelik hoe
die mate waarin 'n firma blootgestel word aan politieke risiko, met ander woorde die sensitiwiteit van 'n
firma se voorgenome winsgewendheid en bedryf teenoor veranderinge in die beleggingsklimaat van 'n
vreemde land, bestuur en verminder kan word. Daar word gehoop dat politieke risiko analise en die
bestuur daarvan 'n bydra kan lewer tot buitelandse besighede se bestuur van hierdie risiko's, wat
andersins 'n vemietgende impak kan hê op die winsgewendheid van buitelandse bedrywighede.
Dit is onverantwoordelik om aan 'n buitelandse belegger 'n risiko analise voor te lê wat nie politieke
risiko faktore en die daarmee gepaardgaande indikatore insluit nie. Die studie argumenteer verder dat
faktorindikatore wat die fisiese omgewing, sosiale asook sosio-ekonomiese faktore aanspreek ook in 'n
risiko analise ingesluit moet word. Oplaas is enige besigheidsklimaat, nieteenstaande die land wat
bestudeer word, onderskryf deur 'n politieke stelsel, politieke klimaat, politieke kultuur en
besigheidskultuur van die stelsel waarin die buitelandse besigheid winsgewende resultate as doelwit het.
Wat dikwels beskou word as onnodige en irrelevante detail in risiko analise lei dikwels tot 'n gebrek aan die insluiting van mikro-risiko faktore en hulle indikatore weens 'n onderskatting van die noodsaaklikheid
daarvan om juis sulke mikro-risiko faktorindikatore in 'n risiko analise in te bou. Hierdie studie aanvaar
hopelik die uitdaging om te wys dat politieke risiko tog bestuur kan word en dat politieke risiko analise
tog meer eksak gemaak kan word - dat dit wel moontlik is om politieke risiko te meet en bestuur.
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Blood Ba'ath: The Rise and Fall of the Ba'ath Party in Syria and IraqDhalla, Alisha Malika 01 January 2017 (has links)
The Arab Socialist Ba’ath Party was established in Syria during the mid-twentieth century, originally championing Arab unity and freedom from foreign influence. The party eventually managed to rise to power in Syria and Iraq, thereby concluding the widespread political instability that had previously plagued both countries. In each of these contexts, autocratic leaders emerged at the forefront of the ruling regimes and manipulated the party to bolster their rule for over three decades. This paper examines the Ba’ath party’s history and ideology to understand the party’s source of strength. It also discusses the party’s role in achieving power as well as the different functions it undertook in Syria and Iraq once autocratic rule was established. Finally, it studies the fall of both regimes and the status of the Ba’ath party today.
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Politinio stabilumo Centrinės Azijos valstybėse problema: iššūkiai ir stabilizacijos pagrindai / Problem of Political Stability in Central Asian States: Challenges and Fundamentals of StabilizationVolovoj, Vadim 01 June 2012 (has links)
Šiuolaikinė Centrinė Azija (CA / Kazachstanas, Uzbekistanas, Kyrgyzstanas, Tadžikistanas ir Turkmėnistanas) yra tarptautiniu mastu ekonomine ir saugumo prasme svarbus regionas. Jo didžiausia problema – ilgalaikio politinio stabilumo, kuris tapo disertacijos objektu, stoka. Atitinkamai, disertacijos tikslas buvo nustatyti pagrindines esamo ir potencialaus Centrinės Azijos valstybių nestabilumo priežastis, detaliai atskleisti jų esmę ir pasiūlyti efektyvią ilgalaikio stabilumo CA šalyse užtikrinimo koncepciją. Stabilumas studijoje apibrėžtas kaip revoliucijos bei objektyvios / subjektyvios (psichologinės) socio-politinės ir socio-ekonominės nepasitenkinimo valdžia bazės kaip revoliucijos prielaidos ir sąlygos atskiroje šalyje nebuvimas. Palankesnės sąlygos bet kokiai revoliucijai (klasikinei ar „spalvotai“), kaip teigiama disertacijoje, susidaro pereinamojo laikotarpio visuomenėse, neturinčiose gilių istorinių valstybingumo tradicijų, kaip tai yra CA valstybėse. Todėl buvo padaryta išvada, kad sėkmingas valstybės (kaip etninio-pilietinio ir institucinio darinio) „kūrimas“ yra fundamentali prevencinė revoliucijos (nestabilumo) ir jos prielaidų atsiradimo sąlyga, prezidentinių Centrinės Azijos šalių režimų valdymo sistemos organizavimo metu taikant socio-politinio korporatizmo principą. Jo esmė – konsensualinė valstybės valdančiojo elito politika, tenkinant ne vien savo, bet ir visuomeninius socio-ekonominius poreikius, kas turėtų užtikrinti ilgalaikį politinių CA šalių sistemų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or “colorful”), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) “building” is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the... [to full text]
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Problem of Political Stability in Central Asian States: Challenges and Fundamentals of Stabilization / Politinio stabilumo Centrinės Azijos valstybėse problema: iššūkiai ir stabilizacijos pagrindaiVolovoj, Vadim 01 June 2012 (has links)
Contemporary Central Asia (CA / Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Turkmenistan) is an internationally important region in economic and security sense. Its biggest problem is the lack of long-term political stability, which became the object of the thesis. Accordingly, the purpose of the thesis was to determine the basic reasons of instability in CA states, to disclose their detailed essence and offer an effective conception to maintain long-term stability in them. Stability was defined in dissertation as absence of revolution and objective/subjective socio-political and socio-economic base of discontent with the government of a single taken country, which is a premise and condition of the revolution in it. More favorable conditions for any revolution (classical or “colorful”), as it was stressed in the study, are supposed to form in the transitional societies with no deep historical tradition of statehood, as it is in case of CA states. Therefore, the conclusion was made that the successful state (as ethnic-civil entity and institutional system) “building” is a fundamental preventive condition of revolution (instability) and its premises there, applying principle of socio-political corporatism in organization of the system of governance in the framework of Central Asian presidential regimes. The core idea of the principle is a consensual politics of the ruling elite of the country, meeting not only individual needs, but also socio-economic needs of the... [to full text] / Šiuolaikinė Centrinė Azija (CA / Kazachstanas, Uzbekistanas, Kyrgyzstanas, Tadžikistanas ir Turkmėnistanas) yra tarptautiniu mastu ekonomine ir saugumo prasme svarbus regionas. Jo didžiausia problema – ilgalaikio politinio stabilumo, kuris tapo disertacijos objektu, stoka. Atitinkamai, disertacijos tikslas buvo nustatyti pagrindines esamo ir potencialaus Centrinės Azijos valstybių nestabilumo priežastis, detaliai atskleisti jų esmę ir pasiūlyti efektyvią ilgalaikio stabilumo CA šalyse užtikrinimo koncepciją. Stabilumas studijoje apibrėžtas kaip revoliucijos bei objektyvios / subjektyvios (psichologinės) socio-politinės ir socio-ekonominės nepasitenkinimo valdžia bazės kaip revoliucijos prielaidos ir sąlygos atskiroje šalyje nebuvimas. Palankesnės sąlygos bet kokiai revoliucijai (klasikinei ar „spalvotai“), kaip teigiama disertacijoje, susidaro pereinamojo laikotarpio visuomenėse, neturinčiose gilių istorinių valstybingumo tradicijų, kaip tai yra CA valstybėse. Todėl buvo padaryta išvada, kad sėkmingas valstybės (kaip etninio-pilietinio ir institucinio darinio) „kūrimas“ yra fundamentali prevencinė revoliucijos (nestabilumo) ir jos prielaidų atsiradimo sąlyga, prezidentinių Centrinės Azijos šalių režimų valdymo sistemos organizavimo metu taikant socio-politinio korporatizmo principą. Jo esmė – konsensualinė valstybės valdančiojo elito politika, tenkinant ne vien savo, bet ir visuomeninius socio-ekonominius poreikius, kas turėtų užtikrinti ilgalaikį politinių CA šalių sistemų... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
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South Africa within SADC : hegemon or partner?Molefi, Tebogo Shadrack January 2003 (has links)
This study attempts to make a contribution to the debate on the role of South Africa within Southern African Development Community. An attempt is made to analyse this role within the context of regional integration debate. This role has been conceptualised within the dichotomies of hegemon versus partner. The study argues that South Africa is a hegemon in the region of SADC, and that given its overarching economic dominance and it has the potential of establishing its hegemony in the region. It maintains that there are several factors, which could facilitate South Africa's hegemonic dominance such as in military, technology and manufacturing sector. It concludes by arguing that given the changing geopolitical factors both within the region and the globe impedes South Africa from firmly expressing this hegemonic dominance. Furthermore, South Africa's pioneering role in the struggle to change the status quo globally in favour of the Southern states is another crucial factor, which imposes limitations on its hegemonic intentions regionally.
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Formulating the African National Congress' foreign investment policy in the transition to a post-apartheid South Africa: problems, pressures and constraintsCarim, Xavier January 1995 (has links)
This study examines the wide-ranging and critical factors which have impacted on the African National Congress' (ANC) emerging foreign investment policy. It identifies and analyses the matrix of political and socio-economic factors which have combined at global and national levels to shape ANC policy perspectives towards foreign direct investment (FDI). In so doing, the study adopts an eclectic theoretical and methodological approach. It draws on various theoretical traditions to propose a framework that is heuristic and contingent, rather than axiomatic. With regard to foreign investment, in particular, it recommends a theoretical pluralism emphasising 'engagement' through praxis and sound political (state) action. The study argues that the ANC has reconsidered many of its basic assumptions on the nature of the post-apartheid economy and discusses the reasons for those shifts. The reasons include, in particular, global political and economic trends and the balance of forces in South Africa. These have combined to ensure the ANC's broad acceptance of an 'open-door policy' towards FDI so long as it occurs on terms not inconsistent with national objectives. The emerging policy sees the state playing an active role in encouraging and guiding FDI to specific areas and sectors supportive of broad-based development. Foreign investors will be encouraged to form joint ventures with emerging black businesses and agree to foster training, skills development and affirmative action. Harnessing the benefits of FDI will be important for the success of wider strategies designed to place the economy on a firmer, more sustainable growth path.
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Essays on Economics of political BehaviorNoury, Abdul Ghafar January 2001 (has links)
Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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