This thesis uses a reading of Deleuze and Guattarian philosophies, drawn in the main from their companion texts Anti-Oediuus and A Thousand Plateaus, to explore ways in which popular cultural events and texts construct the way we think. The thesis explores how popular narrative produces the conditions of thinking in terms of a state model of subject-identity, and the manner in which this thinking constructs desire in terms of a desire for its own repression. Of particular concern is the danger this thinking has in constructing a populace conductive to the formation of social conditions marked by fascistic political practices. In considering this kind of thinking and its modes of construction, Deleuze and Guattari make a significant shift away from dominant theoretical analysis of power to argue that desire and the capture of desire are the primary agents of state control.The thesis draws on a number of popular cultural mediums and events, working towards a particular exemplary focus on the social conditions in contemporary Australian society. Integrating dialogues with several other key theorists across a broad spectrum of cultural studies concerns, it concludes that the state model reproduces itself throughout history and within different historical and cultural formations as a repetition of minority desires controlling the majority populous through refrains that appropriate plurality and difference. Further, while collective social revolutionary movements have ultimately failed in the past to overcome this repetition, the thesis suggests that Deleuze and Guattaris concepts of becoming through a molecular revolution, aimed at re-constructing the way we think, remains as a positive hope for liberation.

This thesis analyses the foreign policy of Russia towards Iran during Vladimir Putin&rsquo / s presidency. This thesis examines energy, security and regional issues in relation to the cooperation between these two states. Contrary to the view that Russia&rsquo / s relation with Iran is an example of strategic partnership, this thesis argues that Russia does not consider Iran as a strategic partner due to her own global ambitions. Russia just seeks to keep Iran under her sphere of influence. In fact, Russia&rsquo / s is not willing to consider Iran as a strategic partner due to the differences in state structures and national interests of these states. This thesis has six chapters. The first chapter is the introductory chapter. The second chapter gives a historical background on Russian &ndash / Iranian relations until Vladimir Putin&rsquo / s rise to presidency in 2000. The third chapter discusses the role of energy, while the fourth chapter analyses the importance of security issues and their effects on the dynamics of &ldquo / cooperation&rdquo / between Russia and Iran. The fifth chapter discusses regional dimension of Russia&rsquo / s relations with Iran. Final chapter is the conclusion.

<p>Since time immemorial, agricultural changes in the Philippines have been inspired by the notion of self-sufficiency projected by developed and industrial countries. Through ethnographic writing and historical analysis, I visit the outcomes of the Green Revolution and how the development of new agricultural technology escalated violence embedded in communities that experienced multiple colonialism. These acknowledged and disclaimed forms of violence are perpetuated by occurring negotiations between community actors, primarily the landed and landless farmers, living in the context of precarity.</p> <p><br></p> <p>Semi-structured interviews were conducted with twenty-five farmers (aged 20 – 85), who mostly cultivated on borrowed land. I argue that in a post-colonial town like Nabua, the socio-cultural and socio-economic factors involved in farming do not coincide with the Philippine government’s plans for agricultural development and progress. These ethnographic essays investigate how colonial legacies manifest and perpetuate violence locally by examining Nabua’s historical experience with multiple colonialism, the outcomes of persisting precarity, and agricultural developments. In the first chapter, I contextualize precarity by analyzing the history of change from the Spanish colonial period to the peak of the Green Revolution, cruising through how national policies manifest in agricultural developments at the local level. For the second chapter, I dive into the present-day farming situation in Nabua and how violence and precarity are perpetuated by the national government’s agricultural development master plan. I conclude with a call to localize agricultural development and address local challenges to attain sustainable and progressive agricultural development.</p>

Submitted by Morgana Silva (morgana_linhares@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-09-02T16:41:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2876780 bytes, checksum: d4a04fa153158f42da3e155cfd56303f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-02T16:41:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2876780 bytes, checksum: d4a04fa153158f42da3e155cfd56303f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-21 / The study on information management of Pacto pela Vida (Pact for Life) of Pernambuco state shows the relationship among information, politics and power. Monitoring systematics, originated from the management model by results, Todos por Pernambuco (All for Pernambuco), requires the intensive use of accurate and relevant information. For this purpose, the government created structural, instrumental and political conditions so that information becomes one of the elements of support for the evaluation of public policies and decision-making. These assumptions lead to the thesis that the policy and management by results interfere in the information flow that subsidizes the public administration, changing the exercise of power of the tactical level actors who develop informational practices, invisible or nonexistent, in the predominantly bureaucratic administration. Theoretically, the study relies on the theoretical pluralism of information described by Braman (1989; 2009), in which several understandings of information can be associated with different stages of political decision-making. Likewise, the study uses four power exercise demonstrations: instrumental, structural, symbolic and informational, studied by the mentioned author. The objective focuses on analyzing how the political strategy and the public administration change of Pernambuco state government alter the power of the actors involved in Pacto pela Vida (Pact for Life) through the intensive use of information. The methodological procedures are composed of content analysis of interviews with governmental actors of the strategic, tactical and operational levels and the Pacto pela Vida (Pact for Life) legislation; for this purpose, NVivo software was used. The documentation and interviews were examined through the content analysis and guided by the theoretical assumption referring to information, power and politics, which constituted categories and subcategories established a priori and regrouped in compliance with Bardin (2009) who establishes the categorization as the classification of constituent elements of a set by differentiation and then by regrouping, according to gender with predefined criteria. Visits were also carried out in the Management Center by Results, Statistical and Criminal Analysis Management and in judicial district stations and neighborhood police stations to make direct observation of informational practices undertaken in these places. It can be concluded that information is in the genesis of the monitoring and evaluation process as well as in the basis of instrumental, structural, symbolic and informational powers. Information is used to exercise control over individuals, institutions, processes, results, shaping behaviors, creating and spreading ideas and images; in short, creating in the governmental and non-governmental actors´ minds confidence of the benefits regarding the new model for conducting the State. The policy and management by results interfere in the information flow that subsidizes the public administration and alter the exercise of power of the tactical level actors who develop informational practices, invisible or nonexistent, in the bureaucratic administration. Thus, the thesis was confirmed. Moreover, it is recognized that the problem of information in Brazil is eminently political, once it depends on the Brazilian government's decision to make the information a resource for management and a basic tool of accountability and social control. / O estudo sobre a gestão da informação do Pacto pela Vida do estado de Pernambuco evidencia a relação entre informação, política e poder. A sistemática de monitoramento, oriunda do modelo de gestão por resultados Todos por Pernambuco, pressupõe o uso intensivo de informações precisas e pertinentes. Para tal fim, o governo criou condições estruturais, instrumentais e políticas para que a informação se tornasse um dos elementos de suporte à avaliação das políticas públicas e à tomada de decisão. Esses pressupostos conduzem à tese que a política e a gestão por resultados interferem no fluxo das informações que subsidiam a administração pública, alterando o exercício de poder dos atores do nível tático que desenvolvem práticas informacionais, invisíveis ou inexistentes, na administração predominantemente burocrática. Teoricamente, o estudo apoia-se no pluralismo teórico da informação descrito por Braman (1989; 2009), no qual os diversos entendimentos da informação podem ser associados aos diferentes estágios da tomada de decisão política. Igualmente, o estudo utiliza as quatro manifestações de exercício de poder: instrumental, estrutural, simbólico e informacional, estudadas pela referida autora. O objetivo se constitui em analisar como a estratégia política e a mudança da administração pública do estado de Pernambuco alteram o poder dos atores que atuam no Pacto pela Vida por meio do uso intensivo da informação. Os procedimentos metodológicos são compostos por análise de conteúdo das entrevistas dos atores governamentais dos níveis estratégicos, táticos e operacionais e da legislação do Pacto pela Vida; para tal finalidade, utilizou-se o software NVivo. A documentação e as entrevistas foram examinadas por meio da análise de conteúdo e guiadas pelo mote teórico referente à informação, poder e política, que constituíram categorias e subcategorias estabelecidas a priori e reagrupadas em atendimento ao que preceitua Bardin (2009), sobre a categorização, como sendo a classificação de elementos constitutivos de um conjunto por diferenciação e, seguidamente, por reagrupamento segundo o gênero, com critérios previamente definidos. Também foram realizadas visitas ao Núcleo de Gestão por Resultados, Gerência de Análise Criminal e Estatística e delegacias circunscricionais e seccionais para fazer observação direta das práticas informacionais empreendidas nestes locais. Conclui-se que a informação está na gênese do processo de monitoramento e avaliação bem como na base dos poderes instrumental, estrutural, simbólico e informacional. Ela é usada para exercer controle sobre indivíduos, instituições, processos, resultados, moldar comportamentos, criar e propagar ideias e imagens, enfim, criar no imaginário dos atores governamentais e não governamentais a confiança dos benefícios do novo modelo de condução do Estado. A política e a gestão por resultados interferem no fluxo das informações que subsidiam a administração pública e alteram o exercício de poder dos atores do nível tático que desenvolvem práticas informacionais invisíveis ou inexistentes na administração burocrática. Assim, a tese foi confirmada. Ademais, reconhece-se que o problema da informação no Brasil é eminentemente político, pois depende da decisão do Estado brasileiro fazer com que a informação seja recurso para a administração e ferramenta básica de responsabilização e controle social.

Jineterismo, eine neuartige Form der Sexarbeit in Kuba, entstand im Zuge des Zusammenbruchs des Rates für gegenseitige Wirtschaftshilfe (RGW bzw. Comecon) und dem damit verbundenen aufkommenden Tourismus-Boom auf der Insel. Mädchen und Frauen sind am stärksten in diese neue Form der Prostitution involviert. Um den ihnen verwehrten Zugang zu Waren zu nutzen, boten und bieten viele junge Kubaner_innen Tourist_innen im Austausch sexuelle Dienste an. Inzwischen wird der Begriff jineterismo häufig auch über den sexuellen Bereich hinaus auf alle Tätigkeiten übertragen, die dem jinetero oder der jinetera Devisen einbringen.

Sexarbeit ist nach wie vor ein politisch stark umkämpftes Feld. Der Begriff bezeichnet eine konsensuelle sexuelle oder sexualisierte Dienstleistung zwischen volljährigen Geschäftspartner_innen gegen Entgelt oder andere materielle Güter und wird auf verschiedene Weisen verwendet. Im weiteren Sinne handelt es sich um einen Oberbegriff für sämtliche Formen sexueller und erotischer Arbeit. Im Kontext sex-positiver feministischer Politiken wird der Begriff Sexarbeit auch synonym für Prostitution verwendet, um die Anerkennung von Sexarbeit als Lohnarbeit zu verdeutlichen.