This paper argues that George Habash, founder of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), embodied and expressed a distinctly new style of politics with the Palestinian context. I argue that Habash, unlike both his political antecedents during Mandate Palestine and his contemporaries in the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) practiced a style of politics that was distinctly uncompromising towards ideological opponents, hostile to traditional structures of patrician leadership in Palestine, and aggressively confrontational in most situations. The time-span of this analysis begins in Chapter One in late Ottoman Palestine, where I appropriate and modify Albert Hourani’s thesis of the “politics of the notables” as a way of framing the relationships between different hierarchically segmented actors in Palestinian society from the Ottoman era up until the end of the British Mandate and the formation of Israel in 1948. Chapter 2 analyzes Habash’s entrance into the broader Arab political arena after the Palestinian exile, focusing on his involvement in and leadership of the Arab Nationalist Movement (ANM) and his patronage relationship with Gamal Abdel Nasir. Chapter Three transitions into the post-1967 war era, where I argue that Habash’s political philosophy, influence and confrontational praxis reached its zenith with the formation of the PFLP. The Conclusion briefly addresses his posthumous influence in contemporary Palestinian politics and the ways that different observers eulogize or criticize his legacy. / text

This paper discusses the origin of the notion of two-stage revolution in Japan and its development by a member of Japan’s communist party, Nosaka Sanzo. The Communist International stipulated the task of Japan’s two-stage revolution in 1927. In the following years Nosaka Sanzo creatively developed the connotation and the nature of the two-stage revolution in Japan based on his comprehension of the economic and political features of imperial Japan. I begin my narrative on how Nosaka came to understand the labor problem in Japan’s imperial economy in the 1910s, and continue by outlining how he developed this idea as a criticism of the Japanese empire from 1927 to 1945. The research will contribute to the understanding of the communist movement in imperial Japan. / Graduate

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Esta tese analisa as relações dos comunistas brasileiros e chilenos com a literatura após a adoção do frentismo como diretriz do movimento comunista internacional, entre 1935 e 1948. Suplementos culturais de jornais partidários e revistas literárias ligadas ao Partido Comunista do Brasil e ao Partido Comunista do Chile foram tomadas como fontes de pesquisa. Identificamos propostas, projetos e colaboradores desses periódicos, cujas formulações demonstraram a preponderância do romance e da poesia como áreas que despertaram maior empenho de intervenção político-ideológica. O fundo antifascista da estratégia frentista contribuiu para a aproximação de expoentes culturais aos partidos comunistas e fez da imprensa partidária um espaço profícuo para a circulação de propostas literárias. Foi nesse período que Pablo Neruda se aproximou do Partido Comunista do Chile e que Jorge Amado promoveu os romances sociais brasileiros na América Latina. A maneira como as concepções literárias difundidas na imprensa partidária estabeleceram relações com uma perspectiva política comum, o frentismo, permitiu o estabelecimento de comparações e conexões políticas e culturais entre os comunistas do Brasil e do Chile. / This thesis analyzes the links between literature and Brazilian and Chilean communists following the adoption of the popular front as a guiding principle of the international communist movement between 1935 and 1948. Cultural supplements of party newspapers and literary magazines linked to the Brazilian Communist Party and the Chilean Communist Party were used as sources for the research. We identified the proposals, projects, and contributors of those periodicals whose formulations demonstrated the preponderance of novels and poetry as the areas that evoked the greatest degree of political and ideological intervention. The antifascist basis of the popular front strategy contributed to an approximation of cultural exponents and the communist parties and made the party press into a productive space for the circulation of literary proposals. It was during this period that Pablo Neruda drew closer to the Chilean Communist Party and Jorge Amado fostered Brazilian social novels in Latin America. The way in which the literary concepts publicized in the party press were linked with a common political perspective, the popular front, allowed for making comparisons and political and cultural connections between the Brazilian and Chilean communist parties.

Thesis advisor: James Cronin / This paper examines the esoteric and essentially negativist character of international reaction to the Spanish Civil War. While the mass of the foreign public, (specifically in the United States, Britain, and Ireland), remained apathetic, several interest groups became deeply involved in the conflict. Analysis of the reasons why each group became interested, the methods they used to win supporters, and the effectiveness of those methods in shaping the historical legacy of the war constitutes the bulk of the paper. Particular emphasis is placed on the role of the Roman Catholic Church and the Communist Party in Britain and the United States. The inquiry concludes with an analysis of the historical trends which have erased the Spanish Civil War from the popular consciousness even while it remains vital to specific political constituencies. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

Erskine Caldwell and Margaret Bourke-White traveled to the U.S.S.R. in 1941 on their and their editor's hunch that something newsworthy was in the offing. The couple went in part to add to their library of phototext books (three had been published since 1936), but more to advance the agenda of the anti-Fascist, anti-isolationist Leftist Popular Front, whose goals coincided with those of the Roosevelt administration. When Germany invaded the Soviet Union on June 22, they immediately immersed themselves in the enterprise of bringing war news to the American listening and reading public. Through the portals of CBS radio, Life magazine, PM newspaper, and other journalistic outlets, and despite stultifying censorship, they made it clear that the Red Army was a formidable anti-Hitler force that wanted only financial and material assistance from the U.S., and that the Russian people, steeped in patriotism and family values not very different from American ideals, were worthy allies. Stalin, they hinted, was a well-intentioned and well-organized autocrat, but nothing worse. Upon returning to the United States, Bourke-White traveled extensively to promote a Russian-American alliance, and published a photo-chronicle of their Russian trip, Shooting the Russian War. Caldwell published two very different books, All-Out on the Road to Smolensk and All Night Long, that also advocated this coalition. I argue that Caldwell composed Smolensk as a heroic quest to report on the war firsthand, while All Night Long, a popular and sensational story about Russian guerillas, bears all the characteristics of a Socialist Realist novel touting the Soviet cause. Both books were successful in endorsing Soviet objectives in the West. Their individual and collaborative literary products have been largely forgotten, but Bourke-White's photographs continue to inform our memory of that war.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

Esta tese analisa as relações dos comunistas brasileiros e chilenos com a literatura após a adoção do frentismo como diretriz do movimento comunista internacional, entre 1935 e 1948. Suplementos culturais de jornais partidários e revistas literárias ligadas ao Partido Comunista do Brasil e ao Partido Comunista do Chile foram tomadas como fontes de pesquisa. Identificamos propostas, projetos e colaboradores desses periódicos, cujas formulações demonstraram a preponderância do romance e da poesia como áreas que despertaram maior empenho de intervenção político-ideológica. O fundo antifascista da estratégia frentista contribuiu para a aproximação de expoentes culturais aos partidos comunistas e fez da imprensa partidária um espaço profícuo para a circulação de propostas literárias. Foi nesse período que Pablo Neruda se aproximou do Partido Comunista do Chile e que Jorge Amado promoveu os romances sociais brasileiros na América Latina. A maneira como as concepções literárias difundidas na imprensa partidária estabeleceram relações com uma perspectiva política comum, o frentismo, permitiu o estabelecimento de comparações e conexões políticas e culturais entre os comunistas do Brasil e do Chile. / This thesis analyzes the links between literature and Brazilian and Chilean communists following the adoption of the popular front as a guiding principle of the international communist movement between 1935 and 1948. Cultural supplements of party newspapers and literary magazines linked to the Brazilian Communist Party and the Chilean Communist Party were used as sources for the research. We identified the proposals, projects, and contributors of those periodicals whose formulations demonstrated the preponderance of novels and poetry as the areas that evoked the greatest degree of political and ideological intervention. The antifascist basis of the popular front strategy contributed to an approximation of cultural exponents and the communist parties and made the party press into a productive space for the circulation of literary proposals. It was during this period that Pablo Neruda drew closer to the Chilean Communist Party and Jorge Amado fostered Brazilian social novels in Latin America. The way in which the literary concepts publicized in the party press were linked with a common political perspective, the popular front, allowed for making comparisons and political and cultural connections between the Brazilian and Chilean communist parties.

Since its rise to prominence in the 1920s, Canadian radio drama has become a topic of growing interest among scholars in the fields of media studies, communications, and literature. During the Second World War, radio drama became an important medium of entertainment for home front civilians, and was utilized as propaganda by the CBC to garner support for the Canadian war effort. At this time, radio drama also became an important artistic outlet for wartime artists to express their political and social values and beliefs during the war. While scholars have examined the art of radio drama in light of its artistic, dramatic and literary value, few have yet to examine the music composed for these dramas. This thesis draws on these scholars as well as archival materials from the John Weinzweig fonds and the CBC Music Library fonds located at Library and Archives Canada, and the CBC radio drama script collection located at the Concordia Centre of Broadcasting and Journalism Studies to examine the incidental music written by John Weinzweig for CBC wartime radio dramas. By considering how composing for this artistic medium impacted his musical language at this time, this thesis examines his scoring for the series New Homes for Old. Specifically, I problematize the modification and simplification of the serial technique in his incidental works, and consider the challenges that informed Weinzweig’s approach to radio drama composition. I propose that Weinzweig’s simplification of his serial technique may be understood in relationship to the social and political climate of the 1930s and 1940s, and within the context of leftist socialist movements, notably the Popular Front. I argue that Weinzweig’s engagement with radical socialism during this period may have prompted him to adopt a simpler and more accessible musical language that reflected and embodied the cultural, political, and aesthetic ideals of the Popular Front. Le théâtre radiophonique canadien est devenu un sujet très prisé parmi les chercheurs dans les domaines des médias, des communications, et de la littérature. Pendant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, le théâtre radiophonique est devenu une forme de divertissement populaire pour les Canadiens et était souvent utilisé comme un outil de propagande par la CBC. À cette même époque, le théâtre radiophonique est aussi devenu une forme d’expression pour les artistes du temps de guerre pour exprimer leurs valeurs sociales et politiques. Bien que plusieurs chercheurs aient examiné l’art du théâtre radiophonique sous l’angle de sa valeur artistique, dramatique, et littéraire, peu ont examiné la musique qui a été composée pour ces drames. En se servant des matériaux d’archives trouvés dans les fonds “John Weinzweig” et les fonds “CBC music library” situés à la Bibliothèque et Archives Canada (BAC), ainsi que la collection “CBC Radio Dramas” située au Centre for Broadcasting and Journalism Studies (CCJBS) à l’Université Concordia, cette thèse examine la musique de scène écrite par John Weinzweig pour les émissions de théâtre radiophoniques présentées par la CBC pendant la Deuxième Guerre mondiale. En considérant comment le genre radiophonique a influencé le langage musical de Weinzweig, cette thèse examine ses oeuvres pour la série New Homes for Old. Plus précisément, cette thèse examine la modification et simplification de la technique sérielle utilisé par Weinzweig dans ses oeuvres radiophoniques, et considère les défis qui ont influencé son approche compositionnelle. Je suggère que la simplification de la technique sérielle utilisée par Weinzweig peut être étudiée en fonction des conditions politiques des années 1930 et 1940, et aussi en fonction des mouvements politiques de gauche et plus particulièrement du Front populaire. Je soutiens que l’engagement de Weinzweig avec les valeurs socialistes lui a permis d’adopter un langage accessible qui reflète les idéaux culturels, politiques, et esthétiques du Front populaire.

Pour comprendre les origines du système français de relations professionnelles, cette thèse revient sur l’un des épisodes majeurs de sa construction : la négociation des conventions collectives du Front populaire. Inscrite dans une perspective de moyenne durée allant du début du siècle jusqu’au vote de la loi de 1950, l’étude porte une attention particulière au contenu des conventions collectives, mais aussi aux pratiques des acteurs du système de relations industrielles. Enfin, elle adopte une perspective comparative, croisant l’étude de divers secteurs et de trois espaces : la Seine, le Nord et la région lyonnaise. En ce qu’il étend les conventions collectives à l’ensemble des secteurs, le Front populaire apparaît bien comme un moment fondateur. Mais les mutations à l’œuvre en 1936 sont également le produit d’un apprentissage qui révèle une implication précoce et croissante de l’Etat et des syndicats et d’une réflexion sur la réforme des relations professionnelles qui se noue autour du rapport Laroque en 1934. Trois registres s’en dégagent. La convention collective doit permettre d’établir un contrôle sur la gestion patronale de l’usine, d’organiser la profession, de pacifier et stabiliser les relations sociales. Loin de correspondre à ces attentes, les conventions du Front populaire sont avant tout des instruments de protection et de hiérarchisation des travailleurs. Toutefois, selon les secteurs, le sens accordé aux conventions collectives, leur contenu ne sont pas les mêmes, ce qui suggère l’importance des dynamiques sectorielles à l’œuvre dans la construction d’un modèle français de relations professionnelles. / To help understand the origins of the French system of industrial relations, this thesis focuses on one major phase of its building, namely the negotiation of collective agreements under the Popular Front. Covering a span of moderate length this study pays special attention not only to the content of collective agreements but also to the practices of parties in the industrial relations system. Last, it takes a comparative approach, cross-checking studies on several sectors in three major industrial areas: the Nord and Seine departments and the Lyon region. Inasmuch as it extends collective agreements to all sectors, the Popular Front must indeed be seen as a founding period. But structural shifts implemented in 1936 are also the result of a developing practice which testifies both that the Government and unions were involved quite early and ever more so, and that thorough consideration was given to ways of reforming industrial relations right after the Laroque report came out in 1934. Three aspects stand out: a collective agreement should permit to exercise control over the business management of a factory, to organize the profession, to pacify and stabilize labour relations. Far from achieving these aims, collective agreements brought into effect by the Popular Front were first and foremost devised to protect the workers and establish a hierarchy among them. Yet, depending on the sector, the meaning granted to these collective agreements and their content may vary, which suggests the important part sector dynamics play when it comes to building a French model of industrial relations.