Thesis--University of Chicago. / Bibliography: p. 240-244.

This study examines the spatial and temporal characteristics of the surface air temperature in Portland, Oregon. Spatial temperature patterns indicate that the dominant control factors on seasonal temperature distribution are local topography, elevation, and urban-rural differences in surface structure. A heat island exists in the Portland area; the intensity of the heat island rang€s from 4° to 10° F, and varies throughout the year. The strongest heat island is found in the July minimum temperature. Temperature distribution in Portland and the adjacent area is affected by winds and rainy conditions, but less influenced under overcast skies. The long-term temperature over the last century shows that Portland's mean annual temperature trends are 0.057° F/yr and 0.052° F/yr in the two warming periods 1900-1940 and 1961-1984, respectively, and these warming trends are largely due to warming in spring and early summer as well as in winter months except January. Comparisons between Portland and other local non-urban climatic stations show a general warming trend in Portland since the end of the last century, which is 0.028° F/yr in the mean annual temperature, and 0.017° F/yr in maximum temperature after the regional trends are removed. Monthly mean temperature in July and January demonstrate a warming by 0.023° F/yr and 0.015° F/yr at Portland, respectively. All these warming trends are due mainly to the impact of urbanization. It is found that the cooling effect on the northern Willamette Valley due to the presence of the Columbia Gorge is most noticeable in the daytime and in January.

This thesis is a study of a community in physical isolation. The first chapter describes the methodology used. Short form questionnaires and in-depth interviews were gathered. Three sets of historical maps were drawn from documented sources. A film describing the life style and beliefs of some community residents was made. The second chapter is an evaluation of some of the literature on the neighborhood. This chapter details the hypothesis that external pressures and externally created needs tended in the case of the Lair Hill area to produce a Gemeinschaft-like situation which proves stronger than the many factors making for heterogeneity in this ethnically and culturally and generationally mixed community. Chapter three details the history of the neighborhood: first, from the turn of the century to the beginning of urban renewal in 1958; second, from 1958 to the present day. Chapter four details both the heterogeneous and homogeneous factors in interaction in the community and further explores the conflict between exterior society and the common interest of the people in the Lair Hill community.

The hypothesis for studying the hiring practices at the Port of Portland was simply that hiring practices have historically discriminated against non-whites through negative racial attitudes that are destructive and inappropriate if equal employment is to be practiced. The objective of this study was to provide the Port with information which could lead to the adjustment of hiring procedures which would be geared toward effective recruitment and hiring of minority individuals.

Thesis (M.S.)--Oregon State College, 1941. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 1-ix). Also available on the World Wide Web.

This thesis explores the relationship between community gardens in Portland, Oregon, and the refugee integration process. Using interviews and observations of a community garden in southeast Portland, the research explores the actors and organizations working with refugees in community gardens all over the city. The most prominent actors in the community garden networks are referred to as Community Cultivators. These individuals are refugees and also strongly tied to organizations and institutions in Portland. It is through these social networks that Community Cultivators are able to build bridges between their refugee communities and Portland-based organizations, fostering integration. This research also explores how integration happens in the community gardens in Portland and why community gardens are able to foster these relationships. The foundational framework used in this research is Alison Ager and Alistar Strang’s (2008) Indicators of Integration, which is adapted for the unique process of refugee integration through community gardens engagement.

This thesis is composed of five oil paintings and four synthetic paintings. The works are arranged in a sequence beginning with distant over views of the city and progressing toward more immediate views. Techniques change also, from the suggestive impressionistic mode, a style I explored in my early years of art education, to a studied application of large, solid, simplified shapes of color. In my work, realism is sacrificed for a decorative arrangement of color patterns. From this creative experience I have reached conclusions about art education and my responsibility as an art instructor. Motivation is essential when introducing all art projects. Students presented with interesting background material are more likely to present an acceptable work of art. Critical thinking plays an important role in the teaching of art. I conclude that if the students consider all possible alternatives before making a final decision, there will be a higher degree of artistic quality. A general knowledge of the development of art and its great men is a vital part of art instruction. I feel that a student with an awareness of the past and its influence upon today’s art movements is better equipped to deal with artistic problems or demands. Last, my research has aided me in establishing this educational objective: to involve the students in learning experiences which would cause a deeper understanding of both art media and subject matter.

One of the top bicycling cities in the United States, Portland, Oregon has used a mixture of bicycle infrastructure to create a cohesive network for bicyclists. Building on their success, in 2010 Portland set forth on an ambitious path to envision their bicycle network in 2030. The primary goal of this plan is to attract the “Interested but Concerned” demographic of bicyclists through an increase of their bicycle boulevard network from 30 miles to 286 miles. However, there has been no direct link between bicycle boulevards and bicycle rates. Therefore, this study analyzes the influence of bicycle boulevards on bicycle-to-work rates using U.S. Census data with Geographic Information Systems data in concert with both ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions and a fixed effects (FE) regression. The OLS and FE models both indicate that there is a statistically significant relationship between bicycle boulevards and bicycle-to-work rates.

Homeownership may be the American Dream, but renting is the American reality for nearly half of Portland, Oregon’s residents. In Oregon, where I conducted fieldwork from 2014 to 2017, a statewide ban on rent control, the prevalent use of no-cause evictions, and the lack of renters’ protections pushed Portland residents, especially renters, into a Housing State of Emergency. Many renters in this housing crisis are forced to rent and face the threat of being repeatedly displaced as their apartment units change hands from investor-to-investor. These investor landlords used no-cause evictions to remove tenants from their homes and to quickly empty entire apartment buildings, flip the buildings, and increase their rate of return. As gentrification increased the rent in Portland, it also push low-income people and communities of color as they moved to the suburbs in search of scarce low-income rental housing. Employing ethnographic methods of participant observation and in-depth interviewing, this dissertation explores the inequalities built into the rental housing system for different groups of vulnerable tenants in Portland. A qualitative analysis revealed that families of color and low-income residents not only experience serial displacement as renters, but also serial segregation. / 2020-09-06

Most of the United States port authorities delineate their hinterland by the use of freight rate schedules used by inland carriers. The hinterland is defined as that region having favorable rates to and from a port. The use of freight rate schedules can be applied to a) individual commodities or to b) all the commodities moving through a port. The freight rate method is built on the “rational man” concept. That is, a situation is assumed where there is “perfect knowledge” and a desire to minimize transportation costs. This assumption does not always coincide with reality. This paper classifies commodities according to the facilities required to handle them. This is most relevant to port authorities who decide what special facilities may be needed. This classification is also highly relevant to the delineation of port hinterlands. If a port does not provide a given facility for loading and unloading, commodities requiring that type of facility for handling cannot move through that port. The delineation of “facility hinterlands” has two advantages. First, it more closely approximates reality than does the use of freight rates. Second, while it is more time consuming than using freight rates, it does not require expenditures of time and money as large as with the determination of individual commodity hinterlands. Facility hinterland delineation, thus, offers an alternative for port authorities. The Port of Portland has four main groups of facilities for handling imports and exports: dry bulk, break-bulk, containerized cargo and liquid bulk. In addition, the Port of Portland has special import facilities for steel and automobiles, and special export facilities for grain and logs. The major source of data used to obtain the domestic origins and destinations, by tonnage, for each facility group was the 1973 Export and Import Domestic City Origin and Destination Report Quarterly Reports. The origins and destinations are, in most cases, warehousing and distribution points. Therefore, the hinterlands, as identified, are not necessarily ultimate origin and destination hinterlands, but rather they are hinterlands of transshipment points. A port city is a focal point, a gateway, for inbound and outbound cargo. It is expected, therefore, that Portland should have a larger warehousing sector in its economy, than cities which are not ports, which handles a great deal of cargo that does not originate in, nor is destined for, Portland. In an attempt to ascertain the volume, by facility group, of cargo that actually originated in or was destined for Portland, a questionnaire was sent to the exporters and importers who handled cargo originating in or destined for Portland. The questionnaire was sent to all exporters and/or importers who handled 100 tons or more in any given quarter of 1973. The data from the responses to the questionnaires was combined with the original data to delineate the Port of Portland's hinterlands. Edward Ullman's three-factor typology fits the flow of export goods from domestic origins, through the Port of Portland, to foreign destinations. Complementarity, transferability, and intervening opportunity, each represent factors making the northwest quadrant of the United States the Port of Portland's export hinterland. Oregon, Washington, Idaho, Montana, and Wyoming make up the heart of this hinterland to varying degrees generally correlated to distance. The states bordering the hinterland tend to be less important than those in the hinterland, but more important than states even more distant. The three-factor typology, also, fits the flow of import goods from the Port of Portland to domestic destinations. The three factors combine to place the Port of Portland's import hinterland primarily in Oregon and Washington. However, complementarity provides a basis for an extended commodity flow in terms of distance and magnitudes for imports.