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Can order and freedom only be established through the application of violent force? Hegel has argued that „using violence“ may be the beginning of the formation of all states in history but is in no way their essential principle. It is true that order and freedom require the protection against violence and acts of force but their normative difference is not levelled off in the term „violent order“ (Gewaltordnung). There is a paradox that „lefties“ in the tradition of Nietzsche and Foucault increasingly fail to notice – the „little difference“ between power politics and order. In their reductionism of politics to power politics, „neo-cons“ and their most ardent critics have much more in common than they are aware of.

Political realism is a general theory within political science focusing on the principle interest defined as power. The theory’s mutual standpoint is that states are inspired by power politics meaning that military and economic power or security stands in the centre while moral and ethics are placed in the periphery. This essay’s purpose is to analyze realism which helps to understand the development and change of the perspective. Focus is on classic realism within political science and the essay contains a comparison of the three theoretical philosophers Niccoló Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes and Hans J Morgenthau. The main question of the essay is: how has realism developed from Machiavelli to Morgenthau? The conclusion is that political realism has undergone a few large changes during the last four centuries but has mostly retained basic ideas. The most relevant adjustment is that realism has moved out from a highly immoral perspective to a perspective which actually contains various moral barricades. All the changes and non-changes within realism development can be observed in the model presented in the essay.

In regard to ¡§The disputes of the South China Sea¡¨, Taiwan and China hold similar positions and advocacies. The complicity of the South China Sea sovereignty was mainly caused by the geopolitics of the East Asia region and the potential economic resources in the area. After the Cold War, the changing status of affairs in the Southeast Asia region and the arrangement of power from neighboring nations have made the dispute over the South China Sea a critical conflicting regional hot spot. America, China, Japan and other great powers have been very concerned about the conflicts of the region due to the potential vast amount of sea mineral resources and freedom of navigation of the international waters. At present, the common consensus of the claiming nations over the South China Sea dispute is to leave aside the dispute of sovereignty and jointly develop this region. However, under the so-called ¡§Peaceful¡¨ dialogue, most claming countries were building military facilities behind each other¡¦s back. Basically, the idea of ¡§Joint Development¡¨ was an excuse for the balance of power. The expectation of this thesis is to find the answers of the following functions. First, the status quo of the South China Sea and the sovereignty asserts from the claiming states, and the use of the resources and interests of the claiming states will be analyzed. Second, the true intention and reason of ASEAN helping the claiming states to solve the South China Sea dispute will be examined. Third, the evaluation of China¡¦s interests over South China Sea should be explored. Fourth, what are the views from the U.S. and Japan on the disputes. Finally, what strategy that Taiwan should adopt in order to depend the national interests.

<p>Political realism is a general theory within political science focusing on the principle interest defined as power. The theory’s mutual standpoint is that states are inspired by power politics meaning that military and economic power or security stands in the centre while moral and ethics are placed in the periphery. This essay’s purpose is to analyze realism which helps to understand the development and change of the perspective. Focus is on classic realism within political science and the essay contains a comparison of the three theoretical philosophers Niccoló Machiavelli, Thomas Hobbes and Hans J Morgenthau. The main question of the essay is: how has realism developed from Machiavelli to Morgenthau?</p><p>The conclusion is that political realism has undergone a few large changes during the last four centuries but has mostly retained basic ideas. The most relevant adjustment is that realism has moved out from a highly immoral perspective to a perspective which actually contains various moral barricades. All the changes and non-changes within realism development can be observed in the model presented in the essay.</p>

Thesis advisor: Robert Ross / The regional great power competition between the United States and China is escalating in various dimensions such as economic, political, and security realms. Who instigates such tension and how? To answer these questions, this paper inquires whether it is the declining power, the United States, or the rising power, China, that causes regional tension to heighten. Applying the theories on power transition and power transition war to the three case studies on South Korea, Taiwan, and the South China Sea dispute in Vietnam, how the United States is provoking China to adopt policies that increase tension will be examined. / Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

Submitted by admin tede (tede@pucgoias.edu.br) on 2016-09-19T12:59:31Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LINDIÓGENES FERREIRA LOPES.pdf: 3136528 bytes, checksum: c5d11250d6250498491485b52ab151fe (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-19T12:59:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LINDIÓGENES FERREIRA LOPES.pdf: 3136528 bytes, checksum: c5d11250d6250498491485b52ab151fe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-31 / This provision tralhado, as an object of religious studies with emphasis in Sociology, aims to present the church the Assemblies of God and their insertion aspects of party politics in the state of Goiás, with historical period from 1980 to 2010. For that, had the significant contribution of the theoretical apparatus of domination of Max Weber and the symbolic power Pierre Bourdieu, proposing as these joints are established in the religious landscape, especially with regard to political and religious activities. Continuing the text is split into three main moments of the research proposes the history of the Pentecostal movement and consequently how this phenomenon gaining strength in Brazil to achieve performance space in the political arena. Continuing the research object enters the picture, tracing the historical data of the Assemblies of God in Brazil and in the State of Goiás, as well as its forms and administrative strategies. The analysis continues in the third moment is specifically presented to party politics in the ADs, prioritizing the action of leadership related church policy goiano ground, prioritizing the three decades drawn the theme, from the first moment of access ADs in policy, through changing assembleiano pentecostal behavior on such practices to the final conquest of the political field. The aim of this study was to understand how the Assembly of God church, directed by its influential leaders, migrates from anonymity to the political leadership, it is therefore decisive in any elections. / Este tralhado disposto, enquanto objeto das Ciências da Religião com destaque em Sociologia, propõe a apresentar as igrejas Assembleias de Deus e seus aspectos de inserção na política partidária no Estado de Goiás, com recorte histórico de 1980 a 2010. Para isso, contou com a contribuição significativa dos aparatos teóricos sobre dominação de Max Weber e o poder simbólico em Pierre Bourdieu, propondo como essas articulações se estabelecem no cenário religioso, principalmente no que tange às atividades político-religiosas. Em continuidade ao texto, é fracionado em três grandes momentos da pesquisa que propõe a história do movimento pentecostal e consequentemente, como este fenômeno ganha força no território brasileiro até conseguir espaço de atuação na arena política. Em continuidade, o objeto de pesquisa entra em cena, traçando os dados históricos das Assembleias de Deus no Brasil e no Estado de Goiás, como também suas formas e estratégias administrativas. A análise dá continuidade no terceiro momento onde é apresentado especificamente a política partidária nas ADs, priorizando a ação da liderança da igreja relacionada a política em solo goiano, tendo como prioridade as três décadas traçadas pela temática, desde o primeiro momento de acesso das ADs na política, passando pela mudança do comportamento do pentecostal assembleiano sobre tais práticas até a conquista definitiva do campo político. O objetivo deste trabalho foi perceber como a igreja Assembleia de Deus, direcionada pelos seus líderes influentes , migra do anonimato para o protagonismo político, sendo, portanto, decisiva em qualquer período eleitoral.

No período de entre - guerras (1918-1939), época em que o pensamento geopolítico se popularizava e ganhava status acadêmico, a América do Sul foi objeto de reflexão por parte de dois pensadores que se tornaram clássicos desta então nova disciplina. Estamos falando de Carlos Badia Malagrida (1890-1937) e Mário Travassos (1891-1973). Neste trabalho resgataremos e faremos a comparação dos dois autores e seus respectivos modelos geopolíticos argumentando desde o primeiro capítulo que ambos partem de uma mesma divisão regional do subcontinente sul-americano, o que evidencia a conexão intelectual entre os dois pensadores. Para cumprirmos nossos objetivos desenvolvemos um texto de quatro capítulos: o primeiro deles, de natureza descritiva apresentará ao leitor os pormenores de cada teoria - objetivando portanto uma comparação preliminar que ofereça um esboço inicial das regiões geopolíticas do subcontinente. Os três capítulos seguintes cada um tratará de um contraponto aonde vai se contrastar a percepção hispano-americanista de Malagrida com a visão luso- americana de Travassos. Estas questões são respectivamente as referentes á bacia do rio da Prata, ao grau de efetividade da integração do território brasileiro, sua capacidade de projeção de poder e, por último, o papel da Bolívia na organização político territorial dos Estados sul-americanos. Por último avaliaremos a atualidade das idéias discutidas como teorias das relações internacionais num esforço de avaliação da atual conjuntura sul-americana. / In the period of wars (1918 to 1939), time when geopolitical thought has become popular and has reached academic status, South America was object of reflection between two thinkers who have become classics of this new discipline. We are talking about Carlos Badia Malagrida (1890 to 1937) and Mário Travassos (1891 to 1973). In this work well search and well make the comparison between two authors have already mentioned and their geopolitical models arguing from the first chapter that both of them depart from the same regional division about South American subcontinent that evidences the intellectual connection between two thinkers. Obviously, how to compare means not only outline the similarities but also discuss the points against. So, here well discuss the differences of the political projects quite noticeable in the analysis of both works. Therefore well develop a text with four chapters: the first of them, from descriptive nature will submit the reader the details of each theory thus aiming a preliminary comparison that offers an initial sketch of the geopolitical regions of the subcontinent. The three chapters following each one will deal with an against point which will be contrasted the Hispanic-americanist perception of Malagrida to the Luso-american view of Travassos. These issues are respectively the ones related to the Silver River Basin, about the degree of effectiveness of integration of the Brazilian territory, its ability to forecast the power and, finally, the role of Bolivia in its political territorial organization of local states of South America. At the end, well evaluate the relevance of the ideas discussed as an international relations theory in an effort of assessment the current South American situation.

No período de entre - guerras (1918-1939), época em que o pensamento geopolítico se popularizava e ganhava status acadêmico, a América do Sul foi objeto de reflexão por parte de dois pensadores que se tornaram clássicos desta então nova disciplina. Estamos falando de Carlos Badia Malagrida (1890-1937) e Mário Travassos (1891-1973). Neste trabalho resgataremos e faremos a comparação dos dois autores e seus respectivos modelos geopolíticos argumentando desde o primeiro capítulo que ambos partem de uma mesma divisão regional do subcontinente sul-americano, o que evidencia a conexão intelectual entre os dois pensadores. Para cumprirmos nossos objetivos desenvolvemos um texto de quatro capítulos: o primeiro deles, de natureza descritiva apresentará ao leitor os pormenores de cada teoria - objetivando portanto uma comparação preliminar que ofereça um esboço inicial das regiões geopolíticas do subcontinente. Os três capítulos seguintes cada um tratará de um contraponto aonde vai se contrastar a percepção hispano-americanista de Malagrida com a visão luso- americana de Travassos. Estas questões são respectivamente as referentes á bacia do rio da Prata, ao grau de efetividade da integração do território brasileiro, sua capacidade de projeção de poder e, por último, o papel da Bolívia na organização político territorial dos Estados sul-americanos. Por último avaliaremos a atualidade das idéias discutidas como teorias das relações internacionais num esforço de avaliação da atual conjuntura sul-americana. / In the period of wars (1918 to 1939), time when geopolitical thought has become popular and has reached academic status, South America was object of reflection between two thinkers who have become classics of this new discipline. We are talking about Carlos Badia Malagrida (1890 to 1937) and Mário Travassos (1891 to 1973). In this work well search and well make the comparison between two authors have already mentioned and their geopolitical models arguing from the first chapter that both of them depart from the same regional division about South American subcontinent that evidences the intellectual connection between two thinkers. Obviously, how to compare means not only outline the similarities but also discuss the points against. So, here well discuss the differences of the political projects quite noticeable in the analysis of both works. Therefore well develop a text with four chapters: the first of them, from descriptive nature will submit the reader the details of each theory thus aiming a preliminary comparison that offers an initial sketch of the geopolitical regions of the subcontinent. The three chapters following each one will deal with an against point which will be contrasted the Hispanic-americanist perception of Malagrida to the Luso-american view of Travassos. These issues are respectively the ones related to the Silver River Basin, about the degree of effectiveness of integration of the Brazilian territory, its ability to forecast the power and, finally, the role of Bolivia in its political territorial organization of local states of South America. At the end, well evaluate the relevance of the ideas discussed as an international relations theory in an effort of assessment the current South American situation.

Um einen Ständigen Sitz im UN-Sicherheitsrat für Deutschland will sich der Kanzler bemühen, „finster entschlossen“ sei man nun, und „ohne Geeiere“ wolle man das anstreben; das Ende der Nachkriegsgeschichte wird von ihm ausgerufen, und ganz nebenbei legt er den polnischen Freunden nahe, ihr Steuersystem zu verändern. Wilhelminisch ist das gewiß nicht, aber deshalb auch schon normal? Da sich Gerhard Schröder in seiner zweiten Amtszeit – in guter deutscher Kanzlertradition – der Außenpolitik verstärkt zuwendet, wird die von ihm schon lange verkündete Normalität nun zum außenpolitischen Leitmotiv. Der Koch kellnert jetzt; er wird auch abkassieren und die Einnahmen für sich im Buch der Geschichte verbuchen wollen. Vor solch einer Entwicklung hatte Gunther Hellmann im letzten Welt- Trends-Heft gewarnt. Er diagnostizierte „die schwerste Krise“ der Außenpolitik und plädierte für einen „offensiven Idealismus“. Da mußten wir nicht lange auf Widerspruch warten. Dieser wurde klar und pointiert formuliert – und enthält zudem so manch nachdenkliches Detail. WeltTrends wurde damit erneut zur Plattform der außenpolitischen Debatte in diesem Lande. Und diese wird fortgeführt.